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"The Queen was profoundly pleased with the ode and with the manner in which it was rendered by the chvir. She nodiled and smiled with pleasure, approved of each sentiment as it was brought out, and Heemed exceedingly to enjoy the enthusiasm which the poem and music provoked in the vast concourse, whose applauso was hearty, enthusiastic, and long

flere, then, in America and the British Empire, we and in the world at present fully one hundred and teni millions of English-speaking men, all of whom are living under a popular freedom as complete as has ever been possessed by human beings, gathered in

Ntates, since the foundation of the world.
Nor is Anglo-Saxon freedom confined to
English-speaking races alone. Europe, in

general, ls pussed through a century of Prolution. Old institutions have been thrown off, and there has been in all civilized countries but Russia an adoption of the Anglo-Saxon polity, more or less modified. Such has been the case with France, Belgium, Holland, Italy, Germany, Hungary, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Spain, and Portugal. In all these lands, except France, which has a President, a Sovereign stands at the head of the state, in whose name executive acts are done, who is irresponsible and irremovable. The power lies with the ministers of the Sovereign, nominally appointed by him, but really owing their positions in a greater or less degree to the voice of the majority of the representatives of the people. The representatives, therefore, through these, their agents, possess executive as well as legislative power. This is the general scheme, the details of which vary widely. The supremacy of the legislature is most complete in France; least so in the German Empire, and in Prussia, where the power of the Emperor and King is great and not declining.1

A still farther extension of Anglo-Saxon freedom is perhaps possible. The two hundred and fifty millions of India, it is believed, have a capacity for self-government. Every village has its headman and a ruling committee. Sir Henry Maine, in his study of the village communities of India, presents interesting points of correspondence between them and those of other Aryan peoples. In them exists a germ of local selfgovernment, if not of representative institutions, which might be developed far. East Indians often possess high administrative talent. Mysore and Baroda, two of the largest provinces, within a few years have been given over to native rule. So it might be in

1 Bryce: American Commonwealth, I, p. 271, etc.


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century.” 1

twenty different states. Why not a gradual substitution of native for English officers everywhere ? it is asked. “A native administration, stimulated by English example, and still supervised by Englishmen, is not an unworthy idea. ... A confederacy of many states and provinces, each developing peacefully after its own fashion, and united by a common bond to the English name, is our dream for the twentieth

The humane wish is entertained that Englishmen, while protecting and guiding, may yet for the most part surrender the natives of India to themselves, in the hope that, building upon the local self-government which has never become extinct, a government of the people may some day come out not remotely resembling that of their masters.

Anglo-Saxon freedom, however, can only be ordered and administered with thorough success by Anglo

Saxon men. For these the impulse has

come down in the blood, to struggle for it, Anglo-Saxon

to cherish it, to live under it. To other

races it is something foreign; and as a strange tongue rarely becomes so free and flowing upon our lips as the mother-speech, so as regards this ancient freedom, there is rarely a thorough and easy adaptation of it to races that have worn chains. It is destined for the dominion of the world; and this supremacy it is to gain, not as adopted by peoples to

It can be ad ministered only by


1 Cotton and Payne: English Colonization and Dependence, English Citizen Series, p. 87. See, also, the “Westminster Review," January, 1889, article, “ Federation vs. War," for a hopeful view of India.

2 See, upon this point, Dilke: Problems of Greater Britain, pp. 415, 425, 433, 437.

whom it is something alien, but as upheld by the English-speaking race, so many million strong, its separate nationalities planted at so many points of vantage the world over, no more one in speech than one in blood and institutions.




WHILE in the empire of England, Anglo-Saxon freedom has thus been adapting itself in throes almost revolutionary to the conditions of the nineteenth century, how has it fared in America ? The thirteen States of 1789 have become in one hundred years forty-four; in population, area, resources of every kind, the Union has multiplied to a wonderful degree. As to constitutional changes, what have we to note?

The great federal instrument stands substantially unchanged. The few amendments, famous though

some of them are, wrought out at such of the Federal cost of blood and treasure, call for no

notice in the present discussion. The clauses of the Constitution have been regarded with à veneration ever deepening, until it has become almost superstitious; to think of meddling with its provisions is, in the general view, almost an impiety.

As regards the separate commonwealths, while each one of the forty-four has its peculiarities,1 the



general resemblance is close. A tendency to greater elaborateness in the written con

Distrust of legislatures.

1 See Henry Hitchcock: American State Constitutions, Putnams, 1887.

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