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was essentially the same, there was great diversity in the manner of obtaining it. The discontinuance of the practice of impressment, which was before required to be immediate, and to constitute a formal preliminary to an armistice, was now deferred to commence cotemporaneously with the operation of the law of the United States, prohibiting the employment of British seamen, and was consigned, with the other conditions, to a separate and informal arrangement. In this way it was no doubt intended, by respecting the feelings of the British government, to obviate any objection which might have been the mere suggestion of its pride.

I finally offered, in order to answer at once all the observations and inquiries of lord Castlereagh, that the proposed understanding should be expressed in the most general terms-that the laws, to take effect on the discontinuance of the practice of impressment, should prohibit the employment of the native subjects or citizens of the one state, excepting such only as had already been naturalized, on board the private or public ships of the other; thus removing any objection that might have been raised with regard to the future effect of naturalization, or the formal renunciation of any pretended right. With regard to blockades, I proposed to follow the same course, and only to agree that none should be instituted by either party, which were not conformable to the acknowledged laws of nations, leaving the definition of such blockade, and all other details, to be settled by the commissioners in the definitive treaty.

I was disappointed and grieved to find that these propositions, moderate and liberal as they were, should be treated in a manner which forbid me to expect their acceptance. I was even asked by Mr. Hamilton, if the U. States would deliver up the native British seamen who might be naturalized in America. Although shocked at this demand, I mildly replied, that such a procedure would be disgraceful to America without being useful to Great Britain-that the habits of seamen were so peculiarly unaccommodating, that no one would patiently go through the long probation required by law, to become the citizen of a country where he could not pursue his professional occupations; and that not to employ him in this way would be virtually to surrender him to Great Britain.

I was disposed to believe, however, that a reciprocal arrangement might be made for giving up deserters from public vessels.

Here, perhaps, I owe an apology to my government for having, without its precise commands, hazarded the overture above mentioned, relative to British subjects who may hereafter be

come citizens of the United States. In taking this step, however, I persuaded myself that I did not trespass against the spirit of the instructions which I had received; and had the proposition been accepted, I should not have been without all hope that it would have been approved by the president, as its prospective operation would have prevented injustice, and its reciprocity disgrace. Should I, however, urged by too great a zeal to produce an accommodation, have mistaken, herein, the intentions of the president, I still should have derived some consolation from reflecting, that this proposition, thus frankly and explicitly made, afforded an opportunity of satisfactorily testing the disposition of this government, and might be useful in removing much misconception and error. The refusal, indeed, of this proposition, sufficiently explains the view with which I was assailed with the ostentatious parade of the abortive negociations relative to impressment; the exaggeration of its pretended difficulties; the artificial solemnity given to its character; the affected sensibility to the popular sentiment concerning it; and the fastidious exceptions taken to my powers; and proves most unequivocally the predetermination of the British government to reject, at this time, every overture for the discontinuance of this degrading practice.

Most unfeignedly desiring to suspend the existing hostilities between the two states with a reasonable prospect of finally terminating them in a manner honourable to both, I perhaps pressed with too much earnestness the adoption of the arrangement which I was instructed to propose; for lord Castlereagh once observed, somewhat loftily, that if the American government was so anxious to get rid of the war, it would have an opportunity of doing so on learning the revocation of the orders in council. I felt constrained on this occasion to assure his lordship, that the anxiety of the American government, to get rid of the war was only a proof of the sincerity with which it had con-stantly sought to avoid it; but that no event had occurred, or was apprehended, to increase this anxiety. His lordship, correcting his manner, rejoined, that it was not his intention to say any thing offensive, but merely to suggest, that if the American government sincerely wished for a restoration of the friendly relations between the two countries, it would consider the revocation of the orders in council as affording a fair occasion for the attainment of that object. After a pause of a few moments, he added, that if the United States did not avail themselves of this occasion, not only to put an end to the war which they had declared, but to perform the conditions on which those orders were revoked, that the orders would, of course, revive. I could not

forbear to remind his lordship, that when I took this view of the subject, in my note of the 24th of August, he had found it to be incorrect; but I hoped that now I was so fortunate as to agree with him on this point, some provision would be made, in case the terms proposed for an armistice should be accepted, to prevent the revival of those edicts. His lordship attempted to explain, but I could not distinctly seize his meaning.

The conversation ended with an assurance on the part of his lordship, that he would, with as little delay as possible, communi ate officially to me the decision of the prince regent; and I took my leave, forbidden to hope, that while the present councils and the present opinion of the American people prevail here, this decision will be favourable.

I have the honour to be, with great consideration and respect, sir, &c. &c.

(Signed)

His excellency James Monroe, &c.

JONA. RUSSELL.

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting copies of a letter from the Consul General of the United States to Algiers, stating the circumstances preceding and attending his departure from that regency.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. I transmit to congress copies of a letter from the consul general of the United States to Algiers, stating the circumstan ces preceding and attending his departure from that regency. November 17th, 1812. JAMES MADISON.

Extract of a letter from Mr Lear, consul general at Algiers, to the Secretary of State.

On board the American ship Allegany, at sea, July 29th, 1812. On the 17th inst. I had the honour to receive your respected favours of the 6th February and 29th of April, 1812, by capt. Ebenezer Eveleth, of the ship Allegany, which arrived at Algiers on that day, with the four new Mediterranean passports, 200 tops, and the several packages containing messages, reports, newspapers, &c. together with the letter of Richard Forrest, esq. covering the invoice and bill of lading of the ship Allegany sent from the United States with a cargo of naval and military stores for the regency of Algiers, in fulfilment of treaty stipulations.

VOL. 1. PART I.

[N]

I must delay replying to the particular points in your letter of the 29th April, until I shall have given an account of the most unexpected and extraordinary event which I believe has ever taken place, even in the extraordinary events of Algiers, in order that I may have it ready to transmit, in case I should meet any vessel bound to the United States.

On the arrival of the Allegany, the dey and the officers of the regency expressed the most entire and complete satisfaction; and until the 20th inst. when they began to discharge the cargo, there was no appearance of any other sentiment. On that day a large quantity of spars and plank were taken on board a lighter, by the people of the marine, to be carried on shore, by order of the minister of marine, but they were not landed. At noon the minister sent to request a note of the articles, and their quantity, which were on board the ship for the regency, that he might lay it before the dey in the evening, agreeably to his orders. I accordingly sent the note, taken from the invoice, but without affixing the prices. At 6 P. M. I received a message by my drogerman, from the minister of marine, informing me that when he laid my note of the articles before the dey, he became very outrageous on finding there was only 50 small barrels of gunpowder and four cables on board; when the note sent to the United States in 1810, as furnished by the minister of marine, demanded 500 quintals of gunpowder, and twenty-seven large cables, besides a very large quantity of cordage and other articles, as may be seen by said note forwarded in my letter of August, 1810, to the honourable the secretary of state; and told the minister that he would not receive the cargo, but would send the ship away from Algiers, and that I must depart in her, as he would not have a consul in his regency, who did not cause every thing to be brought exactly as he (the dey) ordered.

Early on the morning of the 21st, I waited on the minister of the marine to inquire into this procedure, when he confirmed all that had been told me by the drogerman, and added many other expressions of anger and disgust of the dey.

I reasoned with him on the subject, stating that it had never been usual to send the whole of such large orders at one time; that we had been very punctual in our payments, and that the cargo of this vessel would probably pay all that we owed; that cargoes had always come in this manner, assorted, with a part of each article, and that I had never before found any difficulty; that powder and cables were articles of which we did not make enough for our own use in the United States, and that it was almost impracticable, at this time, to bring them from other

countries, as was well known to himself and all the world; that in the present distracted state of nations, it was possible that the United States might be forced into a war, and that it behoved our government not to be destitute of so essential an article of defence as gunpowder; but that on a future occasion we, might be able to send more; with many other remarks, which he allowed to be reasonable, but said that the dey was determined; and that when he had once fixed a resolution he never departed from it. And added, that the dey insisted upon having every thing brought which he ordered, without regarding whether it amounted to more than the sum stipulated in the treaty or not; and that I must depart on Thursday the 23d instant, on board the Allegany, with all the Americans now in Algiers.

I wished to see the dey, and for that purpose desired an audience, which was denied me.

I then requested that a few more days might be allowed for my remaining, that I might prepare myself, as it was impossible to make any arrangement of my affairs in so short a time, hoping, in the mean time, to make some accommodation of this business. The answer was that the dey would not allow an hour more.

. I wrote a circular to the christian consuls in Algiers, informing them of my ordered departure..

The spars and plank which were taken out of the vessel yesterday, were returned on board this morning. In the morning of the 22d I sent my drogerman to the palace to say that I wished to make a settlement of the cargo of the brig Paul Hamilton, which had been delayed, by a request from the palace, until the Allegany should arrive, when a settlement could be made for both vessels at the same time.

The request was granted, and the drogerman informed me that the dey wished me to bring our treaty with me, that we might see the time when it commenced, the terms, &c. in order to make a final settlement of our accounts. This I did, and while I was settling the account of the Paul Hamilton's cargo with the prime minister and secretaries, in the usual manner, the dey's drogerman came down, and said, the dey wished to see the treaty which I had brought. I gave it to him without hesitation, supposing that the dey might wish to see something in it, or that he might compare it with that which was in the palace. But when I demanded the treaty again, the dey refused to deliver it, saying, by his drogerman, that when a consul was sent away, he, the dey, should always keep his treaty, and that such had ever been the custom at Algiers.

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