may unite the Protestant interest in excluding | messenger from Lord Sydney the official comthe Catholics from any share in the representation or the government of the country.'

Neither on parliamentary reform, nor on the contribution to be expected from Ireland in return for commercial advantages, did the Duke of Rutland take altogether the same view as his friend in Downing Street. Mr. Pitt accordingly reverts to both questions. Of reform in parliament he writes (October 8, 1784):

munication of the unanimous opinion of the cabinet on the subject of the important settlement to be proposed as final and conclusive between Great Britain and Ireland. The objects have been considered with all possible attention; and though minuter inquiry may still be neces in the propositions, we are so fully satisfied with sary, with regard to some few points included the general principles on which they rest, that they are without hesitation transmitted to your Grace, as containing the substance of a system from which it appears wholly impossible for us to depart. I am confirmed by the opinion of Mr. 'What I venture to suggest for your consid- Foster* and Mr. Beresford, as well as Mr. Orde, eration is, whether it be possible for you to gain that the complete liberty and equality in matany authentic knowledge (without committing ters of trade which will by this plan be given to yourself) of the extent of the numbers who are Ireland ought to give the fullest satisfaction on really zealous for reform, and of the ideas that that subject; and if that opinion is enforced and would content them. By all I hear accidentally, supported by all the arguments it admits, and the Protestant reformers are alarmed at the pre- vigorous exertions used to circulate it, I trust tensions of the Catholics, and for that very reayour Grace will meet with less difficulty than son would stop very short of the extreme spechas been imagined in obtaining from Ireland ulative notions of universal suffrage. Could those measures on their part which are indisthere be any way of your confidentially sound-pensable to accompany it, in order to make the ing Lord Charlemont without any danger from the consequences?'

And again (December 4, 1784):'Parliamentary reform, I am still sure, after considering all you have stated, must sooner or later be carried in both countries. If it is well done, the sooner the better. I will write to you, by as early an opportunity as I can, the full result of all my reflections on the subject. For God's sake, do not persuade yourself, in the mean time, that the measure, if properly man aged, and separated from every ingredient of faction (which I believe it may be), is inconsistent with either the dignity or the tranquillity and facility of government. On the contrary, I believe they ultimately depend upon it. And if such a settlement is practicable, it is the only system worth the hazard and trouble which belongs to every system that can be thought of. I write in great haste, and under a strong impression of these sentiments. You will perceive that this is merely a confidential and personal communication between you and myself, and therefore I need add no apology for stating so plainly what is floating in my mind on these subjects.'

To the contribution which was expected from Ireland in return for commercial advantages, Mr. Pitt applies himself in several letters before the meeting of parliament with great warmth and earnestness. The longest of these letters we shall here insert, without any apology for its length, since, notwithstanding the haste with which, as the postscript mentions, it was written, we think that the reader will us agree when we call it a masterly argument:

with

advantage reciprocal, and of course to make the system either consistent or durable. I am not sanguine enough to suppose that any plan could at once be accepted with universal approbation. No great settlement of this extent was ever carried without meeting some, perhaps, strong objections, and without requiring much management and perseverance to accomplish it: but these will, I am sure, not be wanting on your part; and considering the strength of government in parliament, and all the circumstances of the country, it is impossible to believe that your friends and supporters should have really any hesitation, if they once understand, what they must know sooner or later, that the settlement between the two kingdoms, and of course the giving tranquillity to Ireland, and security to any interest they have at stake, must turn on this fundamental and essential point, of reciprocity in the final compact to be now formed. If the point is secured in parliament, which I cannot allow myself to doubt, I do not apprehend much additional clamour or discontent without doors. It will be difficult for malice and faction to find many topics calculated to catch the mind of the public, if the nature of the measure is fairly stated, and sufficiently explained in its true light.

I am unwilling to trouble you at present very much at length, and have myself little time to spare; but yet I have the success of this whole arrangement so much at heart, from every personal and public feeling, knowing that your credit and my own are equally concerned with the interest of both countries, and the future prosperity of the empire, that you will, I am sure, forgive me, if I call your attention more particularly to what strikes me as the true state of what it is which we propose to give, and what we require in return. If it appears to you in the same light as it does to me,

*The Right Hon. John Foster, afterwards Lord Oriel, was at the time Speaker of the Irish House of Commons.

I trust you will feel the impossibility of our reconciling our minds to waive so essential an object. I assure you there is scarce a man whom I have here consulted who does not feel it at least as strongly as I do.

is not to have her own trade fettered and restricted, she can have no claim to any share beyond what we please to give her in the trade of our colonies. They belong (unless by favour or by compact we make it otherwise) excluThe general tenour of our propositions not sively to this country. The suffering Ireland to only gives a full equality to Ireland, but ex- send anything to those colonies, or to bring anytends that principle to many points where it thing directly from thence, is itself a favour; would be easy to have urged just exceptions, and is a deviation, too, for the sake of favour to and in many other points possibly turns the Ireland, from the general and almost uniform scale in her favour, at a risk, perhaps a remote policy of all nations with regard to the trade of one, of considerable local disadvantages to many their colonies. But the present claim of Ireland great interests of this country. I do not say has gone further: it is not merely to carry prothat in practice I apprehend the effect on our duce thither, or to bring it from thence, but it is trade and manufactures will be such as it will to supply us, through Ireland, with the produce perhaps be industriously represented; but I am of our own colonies, in prejudice, as far as it persuaded (whatever may be the event) that, goes, of the direct trade between those colonies by the additions now proposed to former con- and this country. Can it be said that Ireland cessions, we open to Ireland the chance of a has any right to have the liberty of thus carrycompetition with ourselves on terms of more ing for us, because we have the liberty of carrythan equality, and we give her advantages ing for them, unless the colonies with whom which make it impossible she should ever have the trade subsists are as much their colonies as anything to fear from the jealousy or restrictive they are ours? It may be true that the favour policy of this country in future. Such an ar- granted by former concessions in this respect is rangement is defensible only on the idea of in some measure compensated by their securing relinquishing local prejudices and partial ad- in favour of our colonies a monopoly of their vantages, in order to consult uniformly and consumption; though it may well be doubted without distinction the general benefit of the whether on any possible supposition they could empire. This cannot be done but by making be supplied from the colonies of any other counEngland and Ireland one country in effect, try on terms of similar indulgence. But the though for local concerns under distinct legisla- liberty to be now given stands on a separate tures; one in the communication of advantages, ground, and is a mere and absolute favour, if and of course in the participation of burdens. If ever there was anything that could be called their unity is broken, or rendered absolutely so. It is a sacrifice, too, which cannot fail to precarious, in either of these points, the system be magnified here, even beyond its true value, is defective, and there is an end to the whole. as a departure from the principles of the Act of The two capital points are, the construction Navigation, which has been so long idolized in of the Navigation Act, and the system of duties this country. But what I principally state this on the importation into either country of the for is to prove the liberal and conciliating spirit manufactures of the other. With regard to the which induces us to agree to the proposal. I Navigation Act, it has been claimed by the do not wish to exaggerate its probable effects. advocates for Ireland as a matter of justice, on I do not expect that in practice it will materially the ground that the same act of parliament interfere with the trade of this country; but it must bear the same construction in its operation is unquestionably true that, even though we on Ireland as on Great Britain. Even on the should not immediately lose by it, yet Ireland narrow ground of mere construction, it may well will be considerably benefited, by opening so be argued as at least doubtful whether the pro- near a market, which will encourage her mervisoes in the act of 14th and 15th C. II. (by chants to a freer speculation, and enable them which it was in effect adopted by authority of to avail themselves more than they have the Irish parliament) do not plainly do away hitherto done of the advantages they are already that restriction on imports of colony produce possessed of. Some persons here may, perhaps, from England to Ireland which is not done even apprehend that the liberty of supplying away by any proviso or otherwise with regard to our market may gradually enable them to lay the same importation from Ireland into England. in a stock for the supply of other markets also, On such a supposition it might be very consis- which perhaps they could not do otherwise; tent that the Act of Navigation should be en- and if that should be the effect, not only they forced here (as it was by subsequent acts of will be gainers, but we shall be losers in the parliament) in its original strictness, and in Ire- same proportion. On the whole, however, I land with those exceptions in favour of colony am fully reconciled to the measure, because, produce imported from hence which the provi- even supposing it not to produce these effects, it soes I allude to seem to have admitted; and must be remembered that it is a liberty which the practice of more than a hundred years has Ireland has strongly solicited, and on which she been conformable to this distinction. But this appears to set a high value. As such, it is the is on the mere point of construction. The ques- strongest proof of cordiality to grant it, in spite tion is, not merely what has been or ought to of prevailing and perhaps formidable prejudices; be the construction of the existing law, but what and in truth it establishes in favour of Ireland is really fair in the relative situation of the two so intimate a connexion and so equal a participacountries. Here, I think, it is universally al- tion with this country, even in those points where lowed, that, however just the claim of Ireland we have the fullest right to exclusive advan

tage, that it gives them an interest in the pro- | What is it, then, that can reconcile this country tection of our colonies and the support of our trade equal in proportion to our own.

'I come now to the system of duties between the two countries; and here, too, I think Ireland has not less reason to be satisfied and to be grateful. By lowering our duties to the standard of Ireland, we put her in possession of absolute equality, on the face of the arrangement; but I think in truth we put her in possession of something more. If, however, it were bare equality, we are departing, in order to effect it, from the policy of prohibiting duties so long established in this country. In doing so we are perhaps to encounter the prejudices of our manufacturing [interest] in every corner of the kingdom. We are admitting to this competition a country whose labour is cheap, and whose resources are unexhausted; ourselves burdened with accumulated taxes, which are felt in the price of every necessary of life, and of course enter into the cost of every article of manufacture. It is, indeed, stated on the other hand, that Ireland has neither the skill, the industry, nor the capital of this country; but it is difficult to assign any good reason why she should not gradually, with such strong encouragement, imitate and rival us in both the former, and in both more rapidly from time as she grows possessed of a large capital, which, with all the temptations for it, may perhaps to some degree be transferred to her from hence, but which will at all events be increased if her commerce receives any exten sion, and will as it increases necessarily extend that commerce still farther. But there is another important consideration which makes the system of duties more favourable to Ireland than she could expect on the ground of perfect equality. It is this: although the duties taken separately on the importation of each article will be the same in the two countries, it is to be remembered, that there are some articles which may pass from one to the other perfectly free; consequently, if the articles which in the actual state of the trade we are able to send to Ireland are those which pay some duty, if the articles which she principally sends to us are articles which pay no duty, can anything be plainer than that, although upon each article taken separately there is an appearance of impartiality and equality, the result of the whole is manifestly to a great degree more favourable to Ireland than to this country?

to such concessions, under these circumstances? It is perhaps true that with regard to some of the articles of manufacture there are particular considerations which make the danger to us less than it might be imagined. In the great article of the woollen, if we confine the raw material to ourselves, and let Ireland do the same, perhaps the produce of Ireland, and what she can import from other places, can never enable her to supplant us to a great extent in this art icle. This undoubtedly must be our policy, and it makes part of the resolutions proposed: it can never, in my opinion, be thought any exception to the general freedom of trade, nor do I believe any man could seriously entertain any expectation of the contrary line being adopted. If each country is at liberty to make the most of its own natural advantages, it could not be supposed that we should part with a material indispensable to our staple manufacture. If there is any other similar prohibition on the export of raw material now in force in Ireland, it would be equally fair that it should be continued; but, on the other hand, it is essential that no new one should be hereafter imposed in either country, as this part of the system should, like the rest, be finally settled, and not left open to future discussion. But this consideration affects only the particular article of woollen. The fundamental principle, and the only one on which the whole plan can be justified, is that I mentioned in the beginning of my letter-that for the future the two countries will be to the most essential purposes united. On this ground the wealth and prosperity of the whole is the object; from what local sources they arise is indifferent. We trust to various circumstances in believing that no branch of trade or manufacture will shift so suddenly as not to allow time, in every instance as it arises, for the industry of this country gradually to take another direction; and confident that there will be markets sufficient to exercise the industry of both countries, to whatever pitch either can carry it, we are not afraid in this liberal view to encourage a competition which will ultimately prove for the common benefit of the empire, by giving to each country the possession of whatever branch of trade or article of manufacture it is best adapted to, and therefore likely to carry on with the most advantage. These are the ideas I entertain of what we give to Ireland, and of the principles on which it is given.

The case I have just stated will actually exist with regard to the woollen and linen trades. The unavoidable consequence of these prinWe send you a considerable quantity of wool- ciples brings me back to that which I set out len, subject to some duty; you send us linen to with-the indispensable necessity of some fixed an immense amount, subject to none. This sin- mode of contribution on the part of Ireland, in gle circumstance of the linen would have been proportion to her growing means, to the general a fair and full answer (even without any reduc- defence. That in fact she ought to contribute in tion of duties on the import of other articles) to that proportion I have never heard any man the clamour for protecting duties. The whole question as a principle. Indeed without that amount of the British manufacture which Ire- expectation the conduct of this country would land actually takes from England, under a low be an example of rashness and folly not to be duty, and on which she has threatened prohibi- paralleled. But we are desired to content ourtory duties, does not amount to so much as the selves with the strongest general pledge that single article of linen, which we are content to can be obtained of the intention of Ireland, take from you, under no duty at all. I have without requiring anything specific at present. stated all this to show that this part of the ar- I must fairly say that such a measure neither rangement is in the same spirit with the other. I can nor ought to give satisfaction. In the first

VOL. LXX.

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place, it is making everything take place immediately on our part, and leaving everything uncertain on that of Ireland, which would render the whole system so lame and imperfect as to be totally indefensible. It would reserve this essential point as a perpetual source of jealous discussion, and that even in time of peace, when, with no objects to encourage exertion, men will be much more disposed to object than to give liberally; and we should have nothing but a vague and perhaps a fallacious hope, in answer to the clamours and apprehensions of all the descriptions of men who lose, or think they lose, by the arrangement. If it is indispensable, therefore, that the contribution should be in some degree ascertained at present, it is equally clear, on the other hand, that the quantum of it must not be fixed to any stated sum, which of necessity would either be too great at present, or in a little time hence too small. The only thing that seems reasonable is to appropriate a certain fund towards supporting the general expenses of the empire in time of peace, and leave it, as it must be left, to the zeal of Ireland to provide for extraordinary emergencies in time of war as they arise. The fund which seems the best, and indeed the only one that has been pointed out for this purpose, is the hereditary revenue. Though the effect will not be immediate, our object will be attained if the future surplus of this revenue beyond its present produce, estimated at the medium of the four or five last years, is applied in the manner we wish. Such a fund, from the nature of the articles of which it is composed, must have a direct relation to the wealth, the commerce, and population of Ireland. It will increase with their extension, and cannot even begin to exist without it. Towards this country it will be more acceptable than a much larger contribution in any other way, because, if in fact the commerce of Ireland should be increased at our expense by our manufactures and trade being transferred in any degree thither, the compensation will arise in the same proportion. It has this further inestimable advantage, from being fixed according to a standard which will apply to all the future circumstances of the two countries, that it will, from the very permanence of the principle, tend to unite them more closely and firmly to each other. In Ireland, it cannot escape consideration, that this is a contribution not given beforehand for uncertain expectations, but which can only follow the actual possession and enjoyment of the benefits in return for which it is given. If Ireland does not grow richer and more populous she will by this scheme contribute nothing. If she does grow richer by the participation of our trade, surely she ought to contribute, and the measure of that contribution cannot, with equal justice, be fixed in any other proportion. It can never be contended that the increase of the hereditary revenue ought to be left to Ireland as the means of gradually diminishing her other taxes, unless it can be argued that the whole of what Ireland now pays is a greater burden in proportion than the whole of what is paid by this country, and that therefore she ought, even if she grows richer, rather to diminish that burden on her

self than give anything towards lightening ours. Indeed, if this were argued, it would be an argument, not against this particular mode of contributing, but against any contribution at all. For if Ireland were to contribute voluntarily from time to time, at the discretion of her Parliament, it would, if the contribution were real and effectual, equally prevent any diminution of her own burdens;-only the mode and the proportion would be neither so certain nor so satisfactory. It is to be remembered that the very increase supposed to arise in the hereditary revenue cannot arise without a similar increase in many articles of the additional taxes; consequently, from that circumstance alone, though they part with the future increase of their hereditary revenue, their income will be upon the whole increased, without imposing any addi tional burdens. On the whole, therefore, if Ireland allows that she ought ever in time of peace to contribute at all, on which it is impossible to frame a doubt, I can conceive no plausible objection to the particular mode proposed.

I recollect but two or three topics that have been suggested as likely to be urged by those who wish to create difficulties. The first, if it applies at all, applies as an argument against any contribution of any sort. It is that the wealth of Ireland is brought by absentees to be spent in this country. In the first place, the amount of this is indefinite, and the idea, I believe, greatly overrated. What this country gains by it I am sure is small. The way in which it must be supposed to injure Ireland is, by diminishing the capital in the country, and by obstructing civilisation and improvement. If this is true, what follows? That the effect of this, as far as it operates to prevent the increase of trade and riches, will prevent also the existence or the increase of the fund on which the contribution is to depend. Therefore this argument, giving it its utmost weight, does not af fect the particular plan in question. Besides this, Ireland in its present state bears this evil, and under these circumstances supports her present burden. If she grows richer, will she not be able to support, out of that additional wealth, some addition of burden, at least, without any increase of hardship or difficulty? But if Ireland states the wealth we are supposed to draw from her by absentees on one hand, we may state what she draws from us by commerce on the other. Look at the trade between Great Britain and Ireland, and see how large a proportion of what we take from her is the produce of her soil or the manufactures of her inhabitants (which are the great sources of national riches). How small, comparatively, the proportion of similar articles which she takes from us. The consequence is obvious, that she is in this respect clearly more benefited than we are by the intercourse between us.

The other topic is, that it is impolitic and odious that this arrangement should have the appearance of a bargain, and such an idea will render it unpopular with the public. If a permanent system is to be settled by the authority of two distinct legislatures, I do not know what there is more odious in a bargain between them than in a treaty between two

separate crowns. If the bargain is unfair, if the terms of it are not for mutual benefit, it is not calculated for the situation of two countries connected as Great Britain and Ireland ought to be. But it is of the essence of such a settlement (whatever name is to be given to it) that both the advantage and the obligation should be reciprocal; one cannot be so without the other. This reciprocity, whether it is or is not to be called a bargain, is an inherent and necessary part of the new system to be established between the two countries. In the relations of Great Britain with Ireland there can subsist but two possible principles of connexion. The one, that which is exploded, of total subordination in Ireland, and of restrictions on her commerce for the benefit of this country, which was by this means enabled to bear the whole burden of the empire; the other is, what is now proposed to be confirmed and completed, that of an equal participation of all commercial advantages, and some proportion of the charge of protecting the general interest. If Ireland is at all connected with this country, and to remain a member of the empire, she must make her option between these two principles, and she has wisely and justly made it for the latter. But if she does think this system for her advantage as well as ours, and if she sets any value either on the confirmation and security of what has been given her, or on the possession of what is now within her reach, she can attain neither without performing on her part what both reason and justice entitle us to expect.

This

themselves. Ireland, therefore, will have the same security that we have against any misapplication, and she will have the less reason to be jealous on the subject, because we have a common interest with her, and to a still greater extent, in the service which it is intended to support; and if any deficiency arises from mismanagement it will (according to this arrangement) fall, not upon them, but upon us, to make it good.

I have no more to add. I have troubled you with all this from an extreme anxiety to put you in possession of all that occurs to me on one of the most interesting subjects that can occupy our attention in the course of our lives. You will, I am sure, forgive my wearying you with so much detail. I release you from it, in the persuasion that you will feel how much depends upon this crisis for both countries, and in the certainty that your exertions, and those of your friends, will be proportioned to its importance. I will only add, that difficulties may be started at first, but I think they must vanish on discussion. At all events, believe me, my dear Duke, it is indispensable to us all, and to the public, that they should be overcome. By address and dexterity in the management of the business, and above all, by firmness and resolution to succeed, I have no doubt that it will be found both possible and easy, I shall then have to congratulate you on your having the happiness to accomplish a scheme which may lay the foundation of lasting tranquillity and reviving prosperity to both countries. 'I am ever,

'with constant affection and attachment, My dear Dake,

Your faithful and sincere friend, 'W. PITT. 'Downing Street, Friday, Jan, 7, 1785, 'past 12, P.M.

'I need hardly tell you that I am obliged to send you these sheets as they are, without the leisure either to copy or revise them.'

The commercial propositions, as is well known, did not prosper in the Irish Parliament. On the 4th of July, 1785, the Duke of Rutland reports

The only remaining consideration is, for what service this contribution shall be granted, and in what manner it shall be applied. seems a question of little difficulty. The great advantage that Ireland will derive is, from the equal participation of our trade, and of the benefits derived from our colonies. Nothing, therefore, is so natural as that she should contribute to the support of the navy, on which the protection of both depends. For the rest, it seems only necessary to provide some proper mode of ascertaining to the Parliament of Ireland that the surplus is annually paid over, to be applied with other monies voted here for naval services, and to be accounted for, together with them, to the Parliament of this country. There can be but one navy for the empire at large, and it must be administered by the executive power in this country. The particulars of the administration of it cannot be under practicable in a degree scarcely credible. I dethe control of anything but the Parliament of sired to be apprised of his objections, and stated this country. This principle, on the fullest consideration, seems one which must be held my reliance on your disposition to modify, as far sacred. Nothing else can also prevent the as candour could require, those parts which supreme executive power, and with it the force were deemed exceptionable in Ireland; but his of the empire, being distracted into different ideas of objection were such as to render them impossible to be obviated. He said that he channels, and its energy and effect being consequently lost. As the sum to be received in could admit nothing which intrenched on old this manner from Ireland can never be more settlements; that it seemed an attempt to rethan a part (I fear a small one) of the whole sume in peace concessions granted in war; that naval expense, as its amount from time to time rendering the fourth proposition conditional was will be notorious, and as it will go in diminu- of but little avail; that everything should be tion of the supplies to be granted here, the Par-left to national faith, and nothing covenanted." liament of this country will have both the means and the inducement to watch its expenditure as narrowly as if it was granted by

'I have seen Mr. Grattan, but found him im

But the final blow, it will be seen, was struck in the month of August.