H. OF R.

Bank of the United States.

NOVEMBER, 1814.

merely as to the details, might well vote for a re-termination when he left his district, and this deconsideration. Mr. M. said he was opposed to termination was not altered till he read Mr. Monthe establishment of any bank, and no shape roe's letter, which came out in favor of conscripcould be given to it which could induce him to tion! Mr. M. feared that letter might be convote for it; and as the gentlemen who had spoken sidered as expressing the sense of this House, on the question had not taken a view of it, which as well as that of the Administration. He hoped precisely presented the ground on which his ob- he might be mistaken; but when he read the jections rested, he would beg leave to trespass law of the Legislature of the State of New York, one moment on the time of the House. and understood that a similar law was in progress before the Virginia Legislature; when he saw before him the bill which had passed the Senate, and the one which had been laid on his table from the Military Committee of this House, he could not but consider them all as giving "dreadful note of preparation,"

Mr. M. found no hesitation in saying, that he considered Congress had undoubted power to establish a bank; and he would say, too, in his judgment, that power had been discreetly exercised in the establishment of the old Bank of the United States. He said he had listened with much attention and instruction to the remarks Mr. M. considered that he had a perfect right which had fallen from the advocates of both the to discuss the question of conscription on the passystems which had been presented in the discus-sage of this bill; he contended that on any bill sion, and he did not think either of them free of objections; yet, had he been persuaded, that, under present circumstances, it would be proper to establish any bank, he might perhaps have agreed to one of the projects which had been presented. He doubted, however, the propriety of any more banks in the present alarming state of our country-paper money had depreciated, and suspicion was so much afloat, that he could out travel the credit of almost any bank, in three hours ride, on any post road. He doubted the propriety of adding to this flood of bank paper, and feared it would hasten the return of that singular spectacle, when "a debtor will be seen persecuting his creditor with unrelenting punctuality, and paying him without mercy." He could not but doubt the propriety of increasing the issue of paper money at this time.

which seeks to raise money, it was a legitimate inquiry to ask the object for which the money was wanted, and if it was for an improper object, the money ought not to be granted. But he did not intend, at this time, to enter into a discussion of this question of conscription; he had no doubt some occasion would shortly present, which would bring this question directly before the House; in that case he might, perhaps, trouble them with a few remarks. In the mean time he could not forbear to say that he had not been able to disguise from himself, and he had no wish to conceal from others, that he viewed this subject with horror and alarm. He was opposed to it in all its aspects, and would not give it any aid directly or indirectly.

vote against the reconsideration of the question, but, once for all, he wished it to be understood, that, until the question of conscription was disposed of, he should on the same ground vote against any bills for men or money which could by any possibility be used for that object.

The motion was opposed by Mr. Fisk of Vermont, and advocated by Mr. Fisk of New York, and Mr. FARROW of North Carolina.

Mr. M. said he had of late considered this bank as part of a system to raise money for the conBut, Mr. M. said, his objections did not stop quest of Canada, by means of a military conscriphere; he had understood, throughout the whole tion. He considered himself, therefore, bound by debate, that this bank was part of a system of every motive of duty and of patriotism to oppose finance; he doubted the propriety of placing re-it; and he would oppose it. He should not only liance on a bank, for bringing any considerable revenue into the Treasury; he thought the proper office of a bank was to facilitate the collection of revenue created in some other way. If, as had been avowed, the object was to create a revenue by means of the bank, he considered it competent for him to look beyond the means, and inquire what was the object to which these means were to be applied? He was free to confess his opinions had undergone a complete revolution on this subject. At the commencement of the session, he had felt no disposition to withhold supplies of men or money; he arrived at this conclusion, in the belief that the conquest of Canada had been abandoned, and that our resources would be directed to the defence of the country. His opinion in favor of granting men and money, had been fortified by the despatches from our Ministers at Ghent. Under these impressions, he had lately visited his constituents, (by permission of the House,) and, in free conversation with his friends, had told them he should vote, not only for the bank, but a full system of finance; and would moreover agree to the most efficient Con- The bill from the Senate, "supplementary to stitutional measures which might be devised for an act laying duties on notes of banks, bankers, filling the ranks of the Army. This was his de-and certain companies; on notes, bonds, and obli

Mr. FORSYTH then withdrew his motion for the present, intimating that he might renew it to-morrow.

Mr. CALHOUN moved to print the Secretary of the Treasury's letter read this morning; when an adjournment was called for and took place just before sundown.

TUESDAY, November 29.

A new member, to wit: from Pennsylvania, SAMUEL HENDERSON, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat, in the place of Jonathan Roberts, appointed a Senator.

gations, discounted by banks, bankers, and certain companies; and on bills of exchange of certain descriptions;" was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole.

A message was received from the Senate announcing the rejection of the joint resolution from this House for appointing a committee to inquire into the expediency of removing the sittings of Congress to some other building.

THE INVESTIGATION.

H. OF R.

documents should be properly in the possession of the House, Mr. W. said he should think it his duty to make some motion on the subject. The report itself had indeed been a product of great labor-it was a sort of chronicle-but, in his view, it answered no one purpose for which the committee who made it had been appointed. So far from clearing up the causes of the failure of our arms at this place, he thought it was calculated (though not intended) to cover up in a mass of prolixity and detail what he considered a most disgraceful transaction.

Mr. GROSVENOR withdrew his opposition to the printing of these papers.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, from the committee appointed to inquire into the causes of the success of the enemy, in his invasion into this District in August last, delivered in a report of very great length, together with a voluminous mass of documents. This report (principally of a narrative character) Mr. J. moved to be printed, together with the following documents, selected from the mass laid before the Committee, as tending to give an impartial view of the whole trans-mittee had deemed it their duty-and that duty action:

1. A report of the Army, its number and distribution, previous to the 1st July, 1814.

2. Letter of Colonel Monroe, then Secretary of State. 3. Letter of General Armstrong, late Secretary of War.

4. Letter from the Hon. William Jones, Secretary of the Navy.

5. Letters from the Hon. Richard Rush, Attorney General.

6. Communication from the War Department, including the orders in relation to the 10th military district, the requisition of the 4th July, and the correspondence with the Governors of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Maryland, and with General Winder.

7. The narrative of General Winder.

Mr. JOHNSON said, the House would form its judgment of the manner in which the committee had discharged their duty, from the documents collected by it and presented to the House, and from the statements of facts, and the conclusions which they had drawn therefrom. The com

they performed without favor or affection-to speak freely upon all subjects arising from the transaction, the development of which had been committed to them, except on the solitary ques tion of military conduct. They had collected all the facts that had come to their knowledge in relation to the military movements, and had thought proper to leave for the decision of those equally qualified with themselves to judge what better might have been done. If the committee had erred in any of their opinions, those opinions were subject to the will of the House. In relation to the mere military question, whenever the proper opportunity presented itself, he was not disposed to withhold either censure or praise, when it should appear to him to be due. He would venture to say, whatever difference of opinion might arise on those points on which the committee had not expressed an opinion, on those on which it had expressed an opinion, its views would receive the sanction, not only of the House, but of the whole world. In relation to himself, Mr. J. said, he claimed no other merit than having toiled with the rest of the committee in making up an opinCap-ion on the subject, &c.

8. Reports of Generals Stansbury, Smith, Young, Douglass, and Hungerford; Colonels Sterrett, Minor, Tayloe, Laval, and Beall; Major Pinkney; and Captains Burch and Caldwell.

9. Report from the Navy Department, including the official report of Commodore Barney.

10. Letters from General Van Ness, Doctor Catlett, and John Law.

11. Reports from the Ordnance department. 12. Sentence of the court martial in relation to tain Dyson, and the correspondence between him and the Secretary of War.

13. Report from the Corporation of Alexandria, including the capitulation, and letter from General John

Mason.

14. Report from the Superintendent of Public Build

ings.

15. Letter from William Simmons.

Mr. GROSVENOR, of New York, observing the great volume of the report and documents, objected to the printing of these papers, lest the length of time it would occupy should delay a consideration of the report.

Mr. WEBSTER, of New Hampshire, (a member of the Committee of Investigation,) hoped the papers would be printed. He dissented altoge. ther from the manner in which that report had been prepared, though he was willing to do justice to the assiduity of the chairman of the committee in maturing the report. As soon as the

Mr. WEBSTER said, he should be sorry to be supposed to have found fault with the manner of execution of the principle adopted by the committee. He complained that the committee had not thought proper to express any decided opinion on the transactions submitted to their investigation. Although the fact was announced that the enemy had landed within fifty miles of this place, and that twelve hundred men of their army had overthrown all the force collected here with two months' notice, no opinion was expressed of these circumstances. Neither would it be seen in the report that the burning of the Navy Yard was justifiable, or whether it was not an act of infatuation.

[Here the SPEAKER interrupted Mr. W., and called his attention to the question.]

Mr. W. said he objected to the report, because it expressed no opinion, and served in no degree to lead the public sentiment in respect to this dis

H. OF R.

Fiscal Affairs-National Bank.

aster, and it was therefore that he proposed to question its correctness, &c. He heartily concurred in the motion for printing the report.

Mr. JOHNSON moved to refer the report to a Committee of the Whole, and make it the order for the third Monday in December. This would leave the report open to discussion, in which, come when it would, he proposed to be in the front rank and not in the rear. On this, as on all other occasions, he should face his duty as be

NOVEMBER, 1814.

retary of the Treasury, but to screen himself, and the committee to which he belonged, from censure for any alleged deficiency in the provision for the supplies for the present quarter. Every supply asked for by the Treasury had been granted by Congress-being merely a partial loan to supply the deficiency created by sending a part of the twenty-five million loan to Europe for sale. The idea of the Secretary was, that, with the aid of a National Bank, he could negotiate the balance of the loan within the present quarter, so as to meet the demands against the Treasury within that period. No blame, therefore, rested on the Committee of Ways and Means in this respect; they had acquitted themselves of their duty. There was another reason why he thought the letter ought to be committed as he proposed. If there was no adequate provision for the demands of the present quarter provision ought to be immediately made to enable our citizens having unsatisfied claims on the Government to fund the balances due to them, or receive interest on the amount of them. For another reason, he thought the letter ought to be referred. The circumstances stated by the Secretary of the Treasury required that some circulating medium should be forthwith established to prevent embarrassment to the Government from the recurrence of like difficulties.

Mr. FORSYTH, of Georgia, said he was opposed to the proposed reference of this letter to the Committee of Ways and Means, because there was no information contained in it, he presumed, which was not already in possession of the House; and because no scheme of finance was suggested in it which had not been already before that committee. It appeared to him the gentleman from Virginia had misapprehended a part of the letter altogether, when he considered it as personally concerning himself. Mr. F. said he could not see anything in the letter which threw a censure on the Committee of Ways and Means, or on any part of this House. He saw no general reason for the reference, and he could not see the force of the particular reason which the gentleman had assigned.

Mr. EPPES, of Virginia, said he thought the best course to pursue in relation to this subject, would be to recommit the letter to the committee who reported it, or to the Committee of Ways and Means. Mr. E. said he understood the fact to be, that the failure on the part of the public to meet any payment of the public debt, had not arisen from any want of funds, but from the difficulty of transporting those funds. He had understood, for instance, that there were sufficient funds in Baltimore to meet the payments which it was necessary to make at Philadelphia. It was important for the public to know that the difficulties adverted to by the Secretary, in his letter, had proceeded from causes which materially affected the ability of individuals to meet their engagements, and not from want of foresight in the financial department, or from a disregard to the inviolability of the public engagements. Another reason induced him to believe that this letter ought to be referred to the Committee of Ways and Means. At the commencement of the session, that committee had reported their opinion that it was not the interest of the United States further to rely on loans; they had therefore reported to the House a plan to provide for the ways and means of the ensuing year, not bottomed on loans. While their report was before the House, and not acted on, the new Secretary of the Treasury arrived, and took his station at the head of that department. The committee, conceiving it due to him to give him an opportunity to express his views on the subject, had called on him to do so. In this letter to them, he had preferred a different system to that they had recommended for the relief of the immediate exigencies of the Government; and, instead of providing for a national circulating medium, had relied on the aid to be afforded by a National Bank. Mr. E. said he Resolved, That the Committee of Ways and Means had no wish whatever to cast censure on the Sec-be instructed to prepare, in due form, and report to this

The question was then taken on reference, and carried; and also on printing, and likewise carried. [For the letter, see ante page 651.]

NATIONAL BANK.

Mr. KILBOURN, of Ohio, said he had ever considered it to be the interest of the United States that a National Bank should be established, for the convenient management of its finances. It was with satisfaction he found that to be the opinion of a great majority of the House, by the vote some time ago, on the proposition that it was expedient to establish a National Bank. The project before the House having been rejected, he held in his hand a resolution embracing a sketch of a plan which, if approved, might be put into the shape of a bill. Mr. K. then offered his resolution for consideration.

Tax on Distilled Liquors, &c.

Tax on Distilled Liquors, &c.