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Slavery in the District of Columbia.

(FEB. 29, 1836.




he who lifts his own hand against the peace, the quiet, pose I should, on this floor, or any one elsewhere, havand security, of a whole community, must expect their ing as little right to interfere in the affairs of Pennsylva. hands to be raised against him. I warn you that another nia, should invade that State, and tell him, in relation to consequence must follow, of the most awful character, a late action of the Legislature of that Slate, that they if these mad schemes take eifect. The slaves


have resusciated in their State “a monster;" suppose South may be excited to rebellion; the lives of many the charge should be carried farther, and it should be women and children may, and probably would, be lost said that all this was consummated through “ fraud and in the onset; but every one who knows any thing of the bribery," what would the gentleman reply? I think his two races must know that it would end, and that quick reply would be a ready one; that all such strictures are, ly, in the entire destruction of the African race. to say the least of them, gratuitous, and that, whether spectacle of slaves cutting the throats of their masters, true or false, it is an intermeddling with matters which mistresses, and their children, would be changed into do not concern any but the citizens of Pennsylvania. ! one equally horrid--the masters seeing their faithful ser think this is the mildest answer which he could or would vants slaughtered in liis presence, and unable to protect give. Sir, I might go farther, but this one illustration their lives against the atiаcks of an infuriated people in will suffice. Mr. President, there is another matter 10

Is this, then, true philanthropy either to the which I will allude. It has been intimated that this queswhite or black race? These consequences, I believe, tion has been raised, or rather these petitions have been will as certainly follow as that I see through that window resisted in limine, for the purpose of making it have a the light of day. If, after considering these results, too political bearing; that it is intended to operate injuriously borrible to be enumerated, which must follow this mad upon the prospects of a particular candidate for the interference of the abolitionists, you still determine to presidency. Upon whom this is intended to operate persist, go on, you will ultimately see, when too late, we have not been distinctly informed. Sir, for one, I in the destruction of that race which you would assist, deny it. How is it possible that honorable gentlemen in the ruin and rapine and civil strife of the people of can think that any soulbern man, either here or elsethis Union, in the overthrow of this Union itself, the where, should be willing to mix up such a question as consummation of a mad, mistaken, and misdirected feel. this with the little ephemeral miscalled politics of the ing of pbilanthropy.

day? Upon this subject, so far as the State from which Mr. President, I might here close my remarks, but I come is concerned, there is no party-upon it there is for some observations which have fallen from Senators no diversity of opinion). The prosperity of that State is in the course of this debate, which I am sorry were not identified with it. Are we willing to risk this important omitted. The Senator from Connecticut before me (Mr. interest on the result of a presidential contest! The Niles) told us that there is no use of avoiding this ques. thing is too absurd. We have no other interest in this tion; that we miglit as well meet it and discuss it at once; contest except with others to use our exertions for the and at the same time he informs us that he considers choice of an individual who will honestly and faithfully slavery as “a moral and political evil.” Sir, we have execute the laws and constitution of the United States. nothing to discuss as to our legal and political rights-all Sir, much has been said about excitement produced admit them; as to its political influence and bearing on by the agitation of this subject. Who has produced it? the institutions of the slaveholding States, it is our own It is those who have sent these petitions here, not we business, not his nor his constituents. We will discuss who resist them. It has become is to speak freely. If this question, if we please, among ourselves; but I trust that is to be deprecated as excitement, it is nothing more the time is far distant when we shall think it proper to than, from the nature of things, was to be expected. We discuss this or any other question, touching our own apprehend danger not only to the safety of the South, rights, with those who have no interest with us. If there but to the integrity of this Union itself, from those moveis any political evil in slavery, the evil is all upon our ments in favor of emancipation. We consider their deselves; for I challenge that Senator, or any other Senator, signs dangerous, and the means they are every day using to point out to me any spot on this globe where the Alcalculated to bring destruction upon the country. We rican race is more happy, more contented, better sup have exposed this freely, as we were in Juły bound to plied with every thing which makes life desirable, than our constiluents to do. If I were lo say to my constituin the southern and slaveholding States. As to it being ents that all is safety, that no danger is to be apprehendmorally an evil, by which I understand him to mean that ed, that the abolitionists are few in number and decreasit is demoralizing, I deny it entirely; and I refer for the ing, I should not tell them the truth; for I do believe truth of this assertion to the southern people themselves. they are increasing rapidly, and that they will carry their In what country is there more of moral virtue or more schemes to a most dangerous extent, unless promptly of those liigh qualities of the mind, based on virtue, met, and their views negatived by the most decided vole which command our respect and adıniration? I say they Congress can give. Sir, I was somewhat surprised, and compare, without disadvantage, with the people of any not a little mortified, that the Senator from Georgia near other part of this or any vther country. Sir, I must also me [Mr. King) should think it necessary to unite in this express my deep regret that the Senator from Pennsyl denunciation of those who hold the negative of this propvania, (Mr. Buchanan,) whose sentiments generally met osition. What, sir, will be condemn those whose intermy approbation, and were such as became hiin, intima. ests are identified with bis own, because, when an asted the same opinion.

sault is made upon our common rights, wlien we have (Here Mr. BUCHANAN explained. He had no doubt every thing at stake, we preser the adoption of the that the people of the southern States were as virtuous strongest, the most direct and decided measure? If as any other. He only spoke of the subject in the ab. any odium is to be attached to this, I stand ready and stract, and declared it to be the same as that of the peo- willing to bear my full proportion. Sir, I have now ple of Pennsylvania generally. ]

submitted what I intended to say, having said even this I understood it, (resumed Mr. B.,) as all amounting much with great reluctance, and take my seat under the to the same thing in the end; for we must always attest clear persuasion that I will never again bere open my the correctness of every theory by practical illustration; lips upon this subject. but as the gentleman bas disavowed the allusion, I have Mr. KING, of Georgia, said, as the Senator who had but one remark more to make touching this point, that just taken his seat seemed with others to have somewhat is, to poini out to gentlemen the impropriety of passing misunderstood the import of what he had said oy a forjudgment on the institutions of other states. Sir, sup mer day, he would like, before the question was issally

FEB. 29, 1836.]

Slavery in the District of Columbia.


taken, to correct that misunderstanding, and add a few political journeymen with the wisdom or the patriotism remarks in answer to the Senator from Mississippi. He to reconstruct the noble edifice, with all its present symwas very anxious that the difference between himself metry, usefulness, and beauty? and his southern friends should be well understood; that Mr. K. thought it remarkable that his southern friends, too much should not be made of it, either at the North who were opposed to bim, seemed, by their arguments, or at the South.

to have lost sight of the very nature of our institutions, Mr. K. said he thought he had been very explicit and especially of the essential distinction between rewhen he before briefly addressed the Senate, in stating publican and despotic Governments. that, on the subject and object of the memorialists, there One of the most difficult subjects, he said, in the was no difference of opinion among southern members. whole science of government, was that of reconciling They only differed upon the questions raised on the pre- the peace of the community and the safety of established liminary motion made by the Senator from South Carolina. institutions, with the rights and liberties of individuals. In other words, they agreed on the subject of abolition of Practically and theoretically it had divided the world slavery in the District of Columbia, which was the ob more or less in all ages, but he had thought that it was ject of the memorial, but differed on the constitutional not now a debatable question with the people of the right of petition raised under the motion; and, also, upon United States. He considered it settled by the very the expediency of contesting that right on the present form of our Government and institutions; for it was in occasion. He did not believe that they could differ on the establishment of the form of Government that this this branch of the subject, if his friends had not suffered question was usually considered and settled. The Gov. their reasoning faculties to be obscured by the excite ernment of our choice (Mr. K. said) was purely repubment of their passions and the influence of their preju-lican. It was based on popular opinion, which was dices. Under this belief, he could not do better than to known to be mutable: the freedom of that opinion was remind the Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. Cal secured, as was also a free and unobstructed intercourse uoun,) and those who acted with him, of the wise ad-between Government, the agent, and the people, the monition of the Senator himself early in the session. constituent power. The opposite form of Government

On another branch of this same subject, the Senator (said Mr. K.) assumes that Government, when once eshad cautioned the Senate against the establishment of tablished, is always right; that it is based on principles precedents on subjects of high excitement. He very unchangeable; its acts infallible; and the Government is properly stated that, on such occasions, we might hastily to be guarded, if necessary, by its own organized force, establish principles dangerous to the constitution, and denying any voice to the citizen for whose good it was embarrassing in future times to our legislation under it. established. It was strange (Mr. K. said) to see gentleHis friend was then justifying bimself to the southern men, by their arguments, actually sustaining the latter people in advance for an opposition report which he in- in opposition to the former system of government. tended to make against the recommendation of the Pres Sir, (said Mr. K.,) there is no good without alloy. ident in his annual message. The President recom The privileges allowed to the citizen under a free conmended to Congress so to regulate the action of the stitution may be, and are, as in this case, very often Government, under a power expressly granted to it, as grossly abused, the community troubled, and established to effect only the national objects for which it was grant- | institutions endangered. But the people of the United ed, and avoid any encroachments upon the rights of the States have determined that these abuses are rather to States on the subject of domestic 'slavery, for which it be combated by reason and patriotic discretion, than was not granted. Whether the admonition of the Sen that the freedom out of which they grow should be deator was called for on that occasion, might better appear nied. In other words, they prefer the enjoyment of a on a discussion of that branch of the subject; but the rational liberty at the price of vigilance, and at the risk admonition was certainly a wise one, and he was sorry of occasional trouble, by the errors of misguided or bad the Senator had lost sight of it in the motion he had citizens, to that repose which is enjoyed in the sleep of made. He would not rebuke his southern friends; he despotism. believed they acted under excitement; and, if they er. However unpatriotic, then, (said Mr. K.,) these petired, they erred honestly, and believed, no doubt, they tioners may be, however deluded, however mischievous were doing the best for the South. He thought their in every sense, and however we may reprobate their error so palpable, however, that he hoped he would be conduct, they are still citizens of the United States. It excused for the remark, as a general one, that he thought was acknowledged that these memorialists were highly it ill became gentlemen of the South-ay, gentlemen of reputable and peaceful citizens, as those belonging to the South--who professed to be struggling and strain the Society of Friends usually are. However this might ing every nerve upon all occasions to preserve the con- be, they were certainly citizens, submitting to the opestitution in its purity, incautiously to put their foot upon ration of the Government, and contributing to its supit in a moment of irritation at the conduct of a few de- port, and must, under its theory, be allowed the same luded and mistaken philanthropists. The South wished rights as other citizens. They must be allowed, like the constitution as it is, intact as it has been written, so other citizens, to petition the Government, the Governlong as it answered the purposes for which it was fra- ment having a perfect right to reject their prayers after med. It would be needed by us, he hoped, after the abo- receiving their petitions. The simple right of petition lition excitement bad passed off and been forgotten. A was the most harınless and inoffensive of all possible sentiment had, he said, fallen from a Senator from Mas- rights, if it be properly treated. It enforced nothing sachusetts that had been much censured from various and effected nothing but what Government thought quarters. He had voted against the Senator on the oc. proper to yield to it. The peaceable exercise of the casion out of which the remark had grown, because he right, however idly employed, could rarely be producdid not believe with him in the danger to the constitutive of mischief, though it might sometimes be evidence tion. But when a Senator believed he was called on to of mischievous intentions. The greatest danger was in violate the constitution, the sentiment was one in which imprudently and unnecessarily resisting it. All history he fully concurred. Sir, said he, if the walls of this was full of the most warning instances in which the most Capitol should be "battered down,” they may be built worthless men and the most worthless principles had up again; but, in the selfish sectional feelings of the pres- been elevated to unmerited consequence, by opportunient day, if our glorious fabric of Government should ties incautiously given them of throwing themselves into perish in the conflict of sectional passion, where are the the breaches of a violated constitution.


Slavery in the District of Columbia.

(FEB. 29, 1836.

He had been asked if he would receive a petition to The right, as a pre-existing one, was expressly recogabolish slavery in Georgia? This was a strong and im- nised by the language of the constitution itself. What probable case; but he had answered, and would still was the language applicable to the question before the answer, that he should feel bound to do so, and would Senate! It prevented Congress from passing any law then treat it with that contempt wbich so extravagant a “ abridging the right of the people to petition the Govproposition would deserve. Mr. K. thought we had no ernment,” &c. right to refuse to receive a petition, if made by a citizen Was not here a plain and express recognition of the of the United States, and touching a matter that con- pre-existing right? "Abridge” what? His friend from cerned him as such. These he thought the only Carolina was a logician as well as a statesman, and he essential requisites to entitle the petition to a reception. would ask him how the constitution could provide against It must be signed by citizens, and touching their inter- the "abridgment” of a right which it did not acknowl. ests as citizens. We could not be embarrassed by peti-edge to exist? Could we abridge a nonentity! Could tions to relieve the Ryots of the East Indies from the op we take any thing from nothing? Could we add securipressions of the Zemindars, or from the heavy exactions ties where there was nothing to secure? Certainly not. of the East India Company, Petitions for such a pur. As a thousand naughts added will make nothing, so a pose might be refused, and gentlemen had said that this cipher cannot be reduced. The right, then, belonged memorial might be refused on the same principles. He to the people, as inseparably incident to their form of thought, himself, that they were meddling with a matter government-was acknowledged to exist by the language that should not concern them; and would strongly rec of the constitution, and was guardedly secured by the ommend to them to attend to their own business, and provisions of that instrument. Yes, (said Mr. K.,) seallow the people of the District to attend to theirs. cured against the united legislative power of the wbole But still, it was insisted that the District of Columbia Government; and yet gentlemen propose unceremoni. was a national Territory, and under national jurisdiction; ously to defeat it by a simple motion in one branch of that the representatives of the people of the District the Legislature. He would not dwell longer upon this were the representatives of the people of the United branch of the subject. He had already said more than States; that ihe public buildings, and a vast amount of was necessary. A proposition so extraordinary could public property, in which they have a common interest, only claim atiention from its respectable paternity: cer. are located here; that the District is governed, to some tainly not as a fair subject of argument or discussion. extent, at the cost of the nation; in short, that there is Mr. K. said it was perfectly clear that the people of that kind of relation between the people of the District the United States intended to secure a free intercourse and the people of the United States, as citizens of the between the people and their Government, and espesame nation, which gives them an interest in the subject cially to place beyond doubt the right of petition. of their memorials. However light this reasoning, it That Congress would be troubled with many petitions was difficult, on principle, to get round it; and he it could not grant, and would occasionally have submitthought, at any ratc, we should not settle this question ted to it propositions foolish and extravagant, was a on nice distinctions, perhaps convincing to ourselves, foreseen incident of the right, and one that could not be but to nobody else.

avoided without assuming the power to deny the right But, (said Mr. K.,) waiving this objection, as seems altogether. The fact of sending a petition here for any to have been generally done, and how do gentlemen get purpose, proved that the petitioner believed he had a round the constitutional objection of their motion? Why, right to ask it, and that Congress had a right to grant it. they say they do not propose “ to pass a law” to abridge we had only to receive the petition, look into it, decide the right of petition, and, therefore, do not propose to on the right to relies, and act accordingly. No man erer do any thing which the terms of the constitution forbid. was convinced of his error by refusing to hear him. He begged that his southern friends would reason on But, in the second place, (said Mr. K.,) if we, by the this as they would reason on other subjects; that they aid of our prejudices, should be able to convince ourselves would shake off momentary influences, and employ that this motion may be sustained without a violation of their reasoning faculties for the discovery of truth. If the contitution, is it expedient to press it when it is apthey would only do this, they could not disagree with parent that we would never be able to convince any him for a moment, for they must instantly discover that body else? It gave no promise of good, in the most their answer was a palpable evasion of the constitution favorable view of it, and in all other views threatened a itself. Mr. K. called for and read the first amendment, great deal of mischief. All these extra and unnecessary as follows: “ Congress shall make no law respecting an issues, attacking popular and general rights, to secure establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exer- particular righis, threw new and additional weight upon cise thereof; or abridging the freedom of specch or of our friends, the reasoning and patriotic citizens of the the press; or the right of the people peaceably to as North, who were using their influence in the way they senable and petition the Government for a redress of ought most efficient to put down the misguided engrievances.”

thusiasm of the abolitionists. The evidences of every Congress, under this article, can pass no law to day, as well as our general reflections, should satisfy us "abridge” the right of the people to petition the Gov. of this. An unpopular cause was always sirengthened ernment. A modern commentator on the constitution, by union with a popular one. The abolition of slavery, of some note and much ability, in noticing ibis part of the as prayed by the memorialists, was unpopular, and we article, dismissed it with the remark that it was totally wished it to be more so. It bad not, he believed, a single unnecessary. This is obvious to every one who will advocate in the Senate. There might be an exception consider for a moment the relation between a free people or two, but he did not believe it. On the other hand, and the Government of their own choice. The privilege the right of petition we know to be a very popular right. belonged (said Mr. K.) to the form of government, was It always had been so, and no considerable portion of the united with it, and inseparable from it. It as clearly people in any part of the Union would allow it to be ques. belonged to the people on the formation of the Govern. tioned; and if, in the red heat of excitement, we weld ment, as did the right to use the English language with these two propositions together, the unpopularity of the out any constitutional provision for that purpose; and one will be lost in the popularity of the other, and men (said Mr. K.) if gentlemen will only look at the constitue will thus be brought into a union of action, who are at tion, and not evade it, they will see that the right was present as widely separated in thought and purpose as not acquired by the constitution, but only secuired by it. lihe poles are asunder.

FEB. 29, 1836.)

Slavery in the District of Columbia.


Man, he said, was a social and sympathetic being. He Hampshire, [Mr. PIERCE,] to whose diligence and de. was always pleased and flattered by a coincidence of opin. termined efforts he had heard attributed, in a great ion; and agreeing in one measure of primary importance, degree, the present prostrate condition of the abolitionists men are more readily prepared for agreement in every in that State. He had been the open and active friend thing else. On the other hand, if they believe others ex- of the South from the beginning, and had encountered travagantly wrong upon one fundamental principle, they the hostility of the abolitionists in every form. He had easily believe them wrong in their opinions upon every made a statement of the strength and prospects of the other; and, not agreeing in that, they will agree in abolitionists in his State, near the commencement of the nothing. Without referring with any disrespect to a session, that was very gratifying to the people of the doctrine in which he did not agree, he could cite his South. This statement was corroborated by one of southern friends to the reorganization of parties a: the the Senators from that State a few days after, and the South on the doctrine of nullification, as a practical illus Senator from Carolina rose, and, without due reflection, tration of the truth of this position. Thousands of in. he was very sure, drew from his pocket a dirty sheet, telligent men, who, in politics, formerly agreed in every an abolition paper, containing a scurrilous article against thing, now agreed in nothing, because they did not the member from New Hampshire, which pronounced agree upon the doctrine of nullification; and, on the him an impostor and a liar. The same thing in effect oiher hand, thousands, who formerly agreed in nothing, had just been repeated by the Senator from Mississippi now agree in every thing, because they do agree in that against one of the best friends of the South, Governor doctrine. The history of parties would prove the same Marcy, of New York. results in similar cases in all time past, and the same re [Here Mr. Calhoun rose to explain, and said he had sults would follow similar causes in all time to come intended, by the introduction of the paper, no disrespect until the nature and constitution of man should be es to the member from New Hampshire; and Mr. BLACK sentially changed.

also rose to say he only wished to show the course the Wbai, then, (inquired Mr. K.,) could be gained by abolitionists were pursuing, and their future views.] uniting these questions? Nothing: but a great deal lost in Mr. King said he had been interrupted by the Senaelevating abolition by its union with the popular right of tors, but corrected by neither of them. He was not atpetition. Being entirely prostrate in many parts of the tacking their motives, but only exposing their mistakes. North, and he hoped weak every where upon the true The article read by his friend from Carolina was abusive question they have been pressing, they wish new ground of the member from New Hampshire, and contradicted to stand on; they wish something that they may carry his statements. The article read by his friend from Misupon their election grounds, and use to the prejudice of sissippi against Governor Marcy was of a similar characthe southern people. We already saw, he said, the use ter. It abused, menaced, and contradicted him. These they were making of our pretensions, and the manner in abusive productions would seem to be credited and which we had pressed them. By such motions we gave adopted by those who used them as evidence, and incorthem the advantage of insisting that, whilst we demanded porated them in their speeches. Here, then, was a con, our own rights, we had no respect for the rights of others; test in the North between the most open and avowed that, claiming riglits under the constitution, we show no friends of the South and the abolitionists; and we bad regard whatever to the constitution ourselves. He had the strange exhibition of southern gentlemen apparently been among the people of the North during the past espousing the cause of the latter, who were continually summer, and met with not a single man with whose sen furnishing them evidence with which to aid them in the timents he was dissatisfied. The great mass of the in contest. Did gentlemen call this backing their friends? telligent and patriotic were, so far as his observation ex. What encouragement did such treatment afford to our tended, perfectly sound on the subject. All they seem. friends at the North to step forth in our behalf? ed to dread was the imprudence and violence of the [Here Mr. K. good humoredly remarked to his friends South, in the extravagance of their demands, and the from Carolina and Mississippi, that they seemed greatly multiplication of false issues. They seemed to have full in favor with the abolitionists here lately; that they did confidence that they would be able to put down the not honor him with any of their papers. ] agitators, if they could only be permitted to do it in their He objected to these papers as any evidence any own way, and be relieved from demands which could fact, and especially objected that they should be used not be legally gratified, and angry denunciations not de- by southern men against the friends of the South. He served. He was also gratified to notice that great allows would not even carry one of the vile vehicles of falseances were made for the natural excitement of their south-bood in his pocket. The whole system upon which ern brethren upon this delicate and irritating subject. these publications were conducted seems to be one of He hoped this indulgence would continue; but he really pure fiction, falsehood, and fraud. They could not be feared that, unless his southern friends were more pru relied on for the establishment of any fact whatever. dent and more just towards those who had been using And this was one of the strongest evidences to his mind every means in their power to put down agitation; those against the good intentions of the intelligent leaders of who had espoused the cause of the South in every form; the abolition sucieties. There were doubtless good the apparent injustice would ultimately prove beyond all men among them, who, without a sufficient knowledge human endurance; and those, (said Mr. K.,) of all polit. of the subject, had been too easily imposed upon; but ical parties at the North, who are now, and have been, that the master spirits of the mischief, who well underour open, avowed, and active friends, if they do not be stood the system upon which they acted, could be actucome enemies, must become indifferent to our rights ated by benevolent motives, was very improbable. and to us. We could not complain of these as enemies As these abolition papers were introduced as eviwhom we rejected as friends.

dence, he would ask his friend from Carolina one single An error of this kind had just been repeated by the question, and that was, whether, among the bushels of Senator from Mississippi. But for this repetition he

this trash with which the abolitionists seemed to furnish shoul not perhaps bave noticed a mistake of a similar bim, he had ever seen one single narrative of facts in nature made a few days since by his friend from Caro. relation to slavery at the South, that he did not, as a lina. What were these mistakes, and what were the southern man, and acquainted with the subject, either consequences they would naturally lead to? He said it know to be false, or believe to be so? He did not know was known that there was a talented, patriotic, and what would be the Senator's answer to this; but, for highly influential member of the other House, from New I bimself, he would say, under the sanction of an oath if

Vol. XII. 42


Slavery in the District of Columbia.

[Feb. 29, 1836.




required, that, in all the abolition publications that he

All statements of formidable opposition to had ever read, he had never seen a single statement of him were flatly contradicted. These statements were importance in relation to the subject, that he did not, generally corroborated by Thompson, until the dying of his own knowledge as a southern man, know declarations of his mission, when the truth could no to be destitute of truih, or, from the incredible na- longer be concealed, or falsehood be made profitable. ture of the story, believe to be so. One of these stories At any rate, we found him contradicting the whole preoccurred to him, which might be selected as a fair ceding history of his mission, in letters written from this specimen of the whole, and he selected it only because country to England, just before he embarked. Mr. K. the alleged facts were confined to this city; and gentle read the following article from the “Leeds Mercury," men who were anxious to sustain the credit of these an English paper. papers could, if they chose, investigate the facts stated. Mr. George Thompson.-Letters of a most distressHe referred to the listory of Miss Mary Brown, (he being nature have been received from Mr. George Thomplieved that was the name,) whose history was given in the zealous and devoted missionary of slave emanci. one of the anti-slavery periodicals during the last sum pation, who has gone from this country to the United

Miss Mary, it seemed, was a very pious young States, and who writes from Boston. He says that the lady, born of free parents in the city of Washington, North' (that is, New England, where slavery does not and raised in the same place to years of maturity. She exist,) has universally sympathized with the South,' in was walking in the public streets, about noon day, a opposition to the abolitionists; that the North has let fall few years since, (as she certainly had a right to do, if the mask;' that "merchants and mechanics, priests and she was free,) and was met by á kidnapper, of no less politicians, have alike stood forth the defenders of responsibility than the marshal of the District, who southern despots, and the furious denouncers of northern seized her, and carried her to an auction then going on philanthropy;' that all parties of politics, especially the upon Pennsylvania avenue, where she was sold to a supporters of the two rivals for the presidential office, Mississippi trader, to the highest bidder, for perhaps (Van Buren and Webster,) vie with each other in denoun$350. Now, sir, you perhaps suppose that, being kid- cing the abolitionists, and that even religious men shun napped and sold in the city where she was born and them, except when the abolitionists can fairly gain a raised, she was immediately sent off, to prevent some hearing from them. With regard to himself, he speaks process in her behalf; but not at all, sir; she was lodged as follows: •Rewards are offered for my abduction and in the jail of the District, and there remained for thirty assassination, and in every direction I meet with those or forty days before she was marched, under frightful who believe they would be doing God and their country suffering, to the State of Mississippi. After much af- service by depriving me of life. I have appeared in Aiction, and some adventures there, which I will not de public, and some of my escapes from the hands of my tai), she makes her way to Cincinnati, where she fur. foes bave been truly providential. On Friday last, i nishes the materials for her biography, of which, no narrowly escaped losing my life in Concord, New Hampdoubt, tens of thousands of copies have been published shire.' " Boston, September 11.—This morning a short and circulated by these pious societies, to enlighten the gallows was found standing opposite the door of my Christian world on the subject of slavery in the District house, 23 Bay street, in this city, now occupied by of Columbia and the slavebolding States. Their system Garrison. Two halters hung from the beam, with the seemed to be one of unmixed invention. They drew words above them, By order of Judge Lynch!'on the imagination exclusively for facts. Did gentle The contradiction between this and the previous acmen ever see a truth in one of these papers in relation counts referred to, he hoped, would satisfy gentlemen to themselves? If not, why use them as evidence that the statements of abolitionists were not worthy of the against their northern friends?

use they had made of them to disprove the statements A great deal had been stated in one form or other, 1 of honorable men. and in one quarter or other, as to the numbers and in Other errors, he thought, had been committed, and crease of these disturbers of the peace; and he did not sentiments expressed, doubtless under the influence of undertake to say what was the fact. He learned, and excited feelings, and in the hurry of debate, which he thought it probable, that they had increased since the deeply regretted. The most friendly advances, by those commencement of the session, and had heard also the whose friendship had been manifested in the most unincrease attributed to the manner in which the subject doubted manner, had been rudely repulsed. The kindhad been treated here. However this might be, what est feelings had been met by unmeasured denunciation. be insisted on was, that those base productions were no To assurances of devoted friendship to the South and its evidence of the fact, or of any fact, and especially institutions, it had been angrily answered that the South should not be used by southern men, in opposition to did not want the sympathies of the North; that it had no the statements of high-minded, honorable men at the occasion for assistance, and set opposition at defiance. North, who were the active and efficient friends of the This was proper language to an enemy, but was uncalled Soutb.

for to friends, and was calculated to have an unhappy If gentlemen wanted further evidence of the reckless effect in weakening the national sympathies of the system of fabrication and falsehood pursued by the abo-people. These were hasty sentiments, however, and Jition fraternity, he would give them another proof of he hoped would be so considered. As for his part, he it, which he thought would settle their opinions on that did wish the sympathies of the northern people, where point. As introductory to this further proof, however, they were freely given, either on this or on any other and, in fact, as a necessary part of it, he must remind occasion, necessary to preserve and prosper our great them of the glowing accounts to be seen, in all the abo- and glorious confederacy. And if it should ever become lition prints, of the great success and triumphant necessary, he wished their assistance also. He did not march of the missionary, George Thompson, from the ask it in a humiliating tone or a humiliating sense.

He time of his arrival in this country until compelled to demanded it as a social duty; nay, more, as the performembark rather unceremoniously on a return voyage to ance of a paramount constitutional obligation. make his final report to the Glasgow maids who sent If we did not want the sympathies of our own countryhim. Every number of almost every paper which fell men, who owed them to us, whose sympathies did we under his eye during this alleged prosperous mission was expect? Those of England and France? Were there filled with flattering and cordial receptions, crowded still any advocates of the wild project of preserving the and attentive meetings, brilliant triumphs, and increasing South by a separation, and forming alliances with these

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