SENATE.] National Defence. the policy of Mr. Jefferson? It was a favorite principle of his, which had been followed up by his party ever since, that specific appropriations should be made in all cases where it was possible to do so; but it was a practice of his administration to relax that republican rule when the public service required it. In the case adverted to by the Senators from Tennessee and Pennsylvania, in the administration of Mr. Jefferson, when an appropriation of two millions was made, having in view the purchase of Louisiana, that appropriation was made in terms as general as it was possible to imagine; and the discretion granted to the Executive was far beyond that contemplated in the amendment of the House of Representatives of the last session. In the latter case, the money was appropriated in a season of great emergency, for the defences of the country, under the most reasonable apprehensions of greater difficulties with France, and the expenditure was limited to the next session of Congress, when an account was to be exhibited for every dollar expended. Mr. B. said he would not pursue the remarks of the gentleman from Delaware further; with the controversy between an honorable member of the other House and another gentleman of this body, to whose assistance the Senator from Delaware had so gallantly come, neither him nor his political friends had any thing to do. One of the heroes renowned in Grecian story was esteemed fortunate in having the devoted and faithful Patroclus as his friend; equally so was the gentleman whose cause had been so well defended here; but he trusted that the gentleman from Delaware would not, like the friend of the Grecian hero, become the victim of his own generous fidelity. Here Mr. BROWN yielded the floor, at the instance of Mr. GRUNDY, who moved an adjournment; but before the question was taken, at the request of Mr. CRITTENDEN, of Kentucky, it was for a moment withdrawn, when he entered into an explanation of some of his views which had been remarked on by Mr. B.; after which, on motion of Mr. GRUNDY, The Senate adjourned. The Senate having resumed the consideration of the subject on the following day, Mr. BROWN, in continuation, said he had to express the obligations he felt under to the Senate, for the indulgence that had been granted him, by an adjourn ment on the last evening. He would endeavor to requite it by disposing of the remaining topics yet to be noticed as speedily as he could with justice to himself. The charge had been repeatedly made on that floor, and echoed elsewhere, that a great effort was making to prostrate that branch of the Government, (the Senate;) that a war was waging against it, and that war was made by the President of the United States and the party who supported him. If war had been made against the Senate, it had not been made by the Chief Magistrate, or by the party who supported him; but, in his opinion, it had been made upon the Senate by itself. The course of measures pursued by that body had produced more injurious consequences, so far as itself is concerned, than could possibly result from any action of the Executive, however hostile to it. Who commenced that course of hostility said to be existing between the President and his constitutional advisers? Let the journals of that body answer. Let the ever to be remembered session of 1834 explain who were the first aggressors. The Chief Magistrate had been arraigned, tried, and condemned, without a hearing, for having done that which he believed to be his duty, by a resolution passed by a decided majority; and this, in his opinion, and in the opinion of a vast majority of the people of the United States, was done directly in violation of the constitu [FEB. 10, 1836. tion, which gives to the House of Representatives only the power of impeachment. This was a manifest usurpation of power, and a war waged by the Senate against the President. If the Senate had lost moral power in the nation, if it had lost that salutary influence in the councils of the country it ought rightfully to possess, such loss had resulted from another circumstance than the one supposed by gentlemen who had adverted to it. It had resulted from the fact that it had arrayed itself against public opinion, and had not yielded to it that respect which it was entitled to under our form of Government. He admitted that this body was constituted to check those ebullitions of popular feeling which must at times arise in all Governments, but it never was constituted to stand up against settled public opinion, when it had been repeatedly spoken. We all remember, (said Mr. B.,) in 1834, the great effort to break down the popularity of the present administration, and to achieve success for the bank and its partisans, by making unceasing appeals to the fears of a free, a high-minded, and enlightened people. I contend, (said Mr. B.,) if the Senate has lost power, it is from its own actions, and not from any other branch of the Government. It had been said, if the Senate was not popular now, a brighter day was coming, and that the virtue and intelligence of the people would yet preserve it from destruction. Yes, sir, (said Mr. B.,) the people will preserve it, but it will be by infusing into it gradually a stronger portion of popular feeling, and one more congenial to their own. His honorable colleague (said Mr. B.) had inquired a few days ago in what manner the appropriation bill, containing the amendment of three millions by the House of Representatives at the last session, came here endorsed; and had said it came to this body endorsed by the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means of the House of Representatives, and a prominent member of the "spoils party." Sir, (said Mr. B.,) that bill came here endorsed in a manner which ought to have entitled it to the highest respect; it was sanctioned by the popular branch of our national Legislature-that branch whose province it is to originate appropriations for the public service, through the hands of one of its most important committees; which he thought was an endorsement sufficient to secure for it a proper degree of respect in this branch of the Legislature. His colleague had also adverted to the great influence possessed by the Executive, which, brought to bear, in the shape of patronage, on the Legislatures of the differ. ent States, was producing the most dangerous effects. He was well aware that those who constituted the dominant party in this country were often taunted by those in opposition with the appellation of the "spoils party." The charge had been so often made that, although it had as often been successfully refuted, yet he could not pass over it without giving it some notice. As far as his own State was concerned, it was his duty to meet it. He would be faithless to them, as a portion of the democratic party, if he did not vindicate them, at least, from an imputation which, so far as it might be intended to apply to them, did great injustice. He did not hesitate to say that he had no doubt, from information in which he placed the most implicit confidence, derived from gentlemen of the highest respectability, and whose opportunities of acquiring a correct knowledge of the subject were the greatest, that a vast majority of the federal offices in North Carolina were filled by men in opposition to the administration. He had been informed, Mr. B. said, and believed it to be the fact, that all the officers connected with the Judiciary of the United States, in North Carolina, were known as belonging to the opposition. As regarded those who held offices in the revenue service of the United States, an equal number, if not a majority, are said to be of the same class as to their politics. He had obtained sufficient information as regarded the political sentiments of those who are in office, as postmasters in North Carolina, to warrant the belief that a very large majority are of the opposition party. From statements which he then had in his possession, vouched for as they were by the signatures of those who furnished them, with the liberty of inspection to any gentleman there who might desire to examine them-made, too, by those who had the best opportunities of correct personal knowledge, it appeared that, in three of the congressional districts, represented by members friendly to the administration, there was a majority of the postmasters in each opposed to the administration. In two others, friendly to the administration, they were nearly equally divided, and from one other of the same political complexion, he had received no information. With respect to the political opinions of postmasters in districts in his State, represented by members who differ in their politics from the friends of the administration, he had no authentic information, except that which is usually in North Carolina denominated the "Mountain district;" and that information, vouched for as it was by the respectable gentleman who had furnished it, represented the number of postmasters in opposition to the administration as being more than two to one in number greater than those who were in favor of it. Mr. B. said that these statements exhibited a result which he himself had scarcely expected; it was, that, in five of the congressional districts represented by friends of the administration, a decided aggregate majority of the postmasters holding office under the present proscriptive administration were in opposition to it. To which of the political divisions the term "spoils party" properly applied, he thought there could be but little difficulty in determining. It was by no means a pleasant task for him to perform, to go into an inquiry as to who were the real office-holders under the present administration in his own State; but it was a duty which he had delayed longer than he should have done, in justice to the political party whose generous support, at a crisis of great public importance, had given him renewed evidence of its confidence. claimed for the democratic party of his State the distinguished honor of having achieved their successes in the last two years, not only in opposition to the combination of parties which had been arrayed against them there, but to a great extent in opposition to the patronage of the federal and State Governments, with which had been united a majority of the newspaper presses. The patronage of the federal Government was against them, because it had so happened that the greater number of those holding official stations under it in that State were in opposition to the present administration. The patronage of the State Government had been against them, because a majority of the officers who had been elected to State offices for the last two years were, as he had been informed on the best authority, likewise in opposition. He Notwithstanding these facts, said Mr. B., the political party friendly to the present administration had been unceasingly denounced as office-holders and office-seekers, influenced by no patriotic motives, and governed only by the most mercenary considerations. Which of the parties in his own State had sought office with most avidity, let facts speak; which had succeeded most in obtaining the "spoils" of office, was a question not difficult of solution. Mr. B. said that, although the friends of the present administration were decidedly in the ascendency at the two last sessions of the Legislature of North Carolina, yet they had, with a liberality not often imitated by the opposition elsewhere when in power, elected to [SENATE. office a majority who were adverse to them in politics. He believed this was an instance of disinterestedness and magnanimity which had been rarely, if at all, practised in those States where political power had been in the hands of those in opposition. [Mr. CLAYTON, baving asked permission to explain, stated that the opposition party in Delaware, though in power, had not turned any persons out of office for a difference of political opinions. Mr. PORTER, having also requested permission to explain, made a similar statement with respect to the State of Louisiana.] Mr. B. continued. When he gave way for an explanation from one gentleman, he did not expect that gentlemen would consider themselves called on severally to make their disclaimers. They certainly would have other opportunities of explaining the course of parties in the States they represented. He believed the democratic. party had seldom met with the mildness and forbearance mentioned by the gentlemen who had just taken their seats, in those States where they had unfortunately been in a minority. On the contrary, in some of the States they had been proscribed and swept from office, almost without a solitary exception. Much had been said by gentlemen against the dangerous encroachments of executive power, and the alarming consequences threatened by it; but permit me to say to them that they have greatly magnified the extent of the danger. From what cause did the executive branch of our Government possess power? Was it because of the great authority inherent in it? He believed that the executive office of this Government had heretofore possessed power that it would never possess again. The chief magistracy under this Government had hitherto been filled by men, with but one exception, whose revolutionary services gave them a weight and consideration which their successors would never hereafter obtain. The eminent services of these great men had brought with them into office what, in truth, is the great source of power in popular Government-the public confidence. When the race of revolutionary patriots is run out-when we have no longer the remembrance of the thrilling incidents of that eventful period of our national history to associate with the office of our Chief Magistrate-it will be one of weakness, rather than of exorbitant power, compared with the other branches of the Government. The number of candidates for the office would create great divisions in public sentiment, and all the disappointed would probably unite and array themselves against the successful candidate, which would weaken and embarrass his administration. Gentlemen, therefore, were greatly mistaken in supposing that the executive branch of the Government was that which threatened the greatest danger to our constitution. His colleague had referred to the land bill introduced by the Senator from Kentucky. He would say, in a few words, that he had always believed this measure to be impolitic, and on that ground had voted against it. If, however, he should be instructed to support it, by the Legislature of his State, he would readily obey such instructions; but, in their absence, he should, in the exercise of his best judgment, vote against the bill. With respect to the principal object of the resolution before the Senate, he was not for making appropriations to the extent of the surplus revenue. He was, said Mr. B., in favor of such judicious, liberal, and necessary ap. propriations as would be sufficient to place the defences of the nation, both naval and military, on a respectable footing. He believed that that Government was cruel as well as unjust to its people, if it failed to adopt such measures as were necessary to protect them against for eign aggression. Failing to do so, it betrayed one of the highest trusts confided to Government by its con SENATE.] National Defence. stituency. He was anxious that that body should concur in some measure which would show the foreign Governments that the American people were united to a man when a question concerning the national honor or the national safety was involved. The Senate having unfortunately failed, at the last session, to exhibit on its part that unanimity of feeling on so important a subject, it was calculated to have an injurious effect on our foreign relations. He did not mean to impeach the patriotism of the Senate; but it could not be concealed that the vote of the last session had, in some measure, produced the belief that there would not be that co-operation of the legislative with the executive branch of our Government necessary to secure for us the respect of foreign | Powers. It was, said Mr. B., to aid the moral power of our Government, as well in Europe as elsewhere, that he was particularly anxious that the greatest unanimity should prevail in our councils on the present occasion. But, above all, it was to take such a ground before the American people as would redeem the Senate from every suspicion of apathy in defending the country-a failure, he would again say, he did not impute to improper motives-that he so earnestly desired to see the resolutions adopted. Those who believed that passive obedience, and an imploring tone to foreign Governments, was calculated to conciliate them and protect our national character, deeply erred. All history showed that the nation which had endeavored to purchase peace by such a course had failed to do so. What was our history preceding the last war? One submission only led to another, and one injury unresisted only served to provoke other wrongs. But when the American people sternly and resolutely determined to take a manly stand in defence of their honor and interests, what was the consequence? Our flag is respected in every sea; our country occupies a high station among the nations of the earth; and we have acquired a national character, in consequence of our energy and decision, stronger even than that which could be maintained by the largest naval and military force. Let me, then, said Mr. B., entreat gentlemen, by all the remembrances associated with the deeds of imperishable renown achiev. ed in the last war, to maintain on this occasion that high national character which the valor of our navy and army had so honorably won. Mr. MANGUM made an explanation, in order to place in a correct view what had fallen from him in reference to North Carolina. Mr. CALHOUN and Mr. PRESTON also spoke a few words in explanation. Mr. EWING now rose and addressed the Chair as follows: Mr. President: The other day, when, by common consent, the Senate seemed disposed to terminate this discussion, I acquiesced, being unwilling further to prolong it, in opposition to what seemed to be the general will; but the debate has been renewed, and I can now, without being thought obtrusive, consider a few topics which I have wished briefly to touch before I give my vote on these resolutions. And, first, I take leave to say that all or nearly all that I found objectionable in them will be removed by the adoption of the amendment offered by the honorable Senator from Tennessee, and by the further amendment proposed by my friend from Delaware. It will then stand as a resolution pledging the Senate to appropriate out of the revenues, not the surplus revenue merely, but such sums annually as may be necessary for the general defence and permanent security of the country. Such a resolution shall have my hearty support, and 1 trust and hope it will receive the unanimous concurrence of the Senate. But here let me be distinctly understood. I do not [FEB. 10, 1836. consider this resolution the same in form or substance with that presented by the mover. If it were, I could not vote for it. I do not look upon it as a measure at all antagonist to that presented by my honorable friend from Kentucky for the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands, which I look upon as a measure of immense importance to the State which I in part represent, and to the whole West also. I vote for the resolutions, therefore, with views entirely different from those suggested by the Senator from Missouri when he last addressed the Senate, and I now take occasion to say so, lest any one should think that his gloss was received here as a part of the text, or explanatory of the text, to which we give our assent. We do not say, in voting for these resolutions, that the whole revenue, or the whole surplus revenue, or any such vague and indefinite sum, is necessary for the increase of the navy or for fortifications, or that it can be applied to that purpope. We do not yet know what will be necessary for those objects, nor exactly what could be applied to them, even if appropriated by Congress; nor do we know what will be the surplus for a series of years to come; so that there would be no less than three uncertainties brought to act with and upon each other by the resolution first proposed. But the amendments relieve the proposition of its objectionable features, and in so doing they necessarily make it a different measure from that expounded by the Senator from Missouri. One thing further I am willing to say, by resolution or otherwise; and that is, that the money appropriated by Congress for our military and naval defences ought to be applied to and expended upon those objects from year to year, if it be in the power of the executive branch of our Government to expend it advantageously. I would not have them waste it, but I would have them use every effort to apply it to its designated object. I am not disposed to cast censure upon them because they fail to do so, for they show strong reasons in excuse for their failure or delay; but of this more hereafter. It seems to be of the essence of modern policy, that every thing is to be carried, and executed, too, by means of excitement. We are to be moved on in our career, in all things, by the force of a high-pressure engine. This machine, with all its power, is now to be brought to bear upon our fortifications and navy, and, by the appropriation of millions and tens of millions, we are to see rising up at once, without hands, ships, and forts, and guns, and equipments, as suddenly as the palace of Aladdin rose under the wand of the Genii of the Lamp. I am disposed to pause and look a little into the matter, and see whether this can be effected thus suddenly. But one thing I must in all candor admit: our surplus revenue may be made to vanish in the attempt, almost as suddenly as that same palace did in obedience to the command of the magician after he had purloined the talisman. I know we may make appropriations for fortifications and the navy to any extent we please; but I am perfectly certain that, if they be very large, they cannot be expended advantageously to the country. Skilful and experienced engineers are wanting; naval architects, superintendents, master-workmen, mechanics, and laborers, are all wanting, and cannot be procured for some years to come, to apply advantageously a much larger expenditure than that which we usually make for these objects. For the purpose of setting this matter in its true light before the Senate and the public, I propose to offer, by way of amendment, an additional resolution of inquiry to this effect: "Also, that the President be requested to inform the Senate what sums can be advantageously expended on each of those several objects within the current year, and thereafter annually, on each of those several objects, taking into view the practicability of procuring skilful and experienced engineers, naval architects, superintendents, and master-workmen, and also mechanics and laborers; taking into view, also, our means of procuring and preparing materials fit to be used in works of a substantial and durable character; also, that he be requested to inform the Senate what are the causes which have prevented and delayed the expenditure of former ap. propriations for those several objects." To this, I presume, there will be no objection. It is information very necessary to enable us to act with knowledge on the subject. When we have an answer to this, and the several calls contained in the other resolutions, we can form an opinion not only of what is necessary, but what can be used; and we may avoid, what every Senator would doubtless wish to avoid, the placing of a very large sum of money in the hands of a host of executive officers, which they could not expend for the benefit of the country, but which they might misapply. In the mean time, until we get the information which I propose to call for, let us make use of such as is already furnished, and see to what conclusion the facts and reasoning which we find in the executive communications on file will lead us. [SENATE. Congress. A reference to the numerous reports on the failure of works, particularly to my last annual report, will abundantly show that this remark is not induced by any hypothetical case; it is, unfortunately, the suggestion of experience; so that, besides being executed badly as to durability, and as regards neatness and appearance, in a manner little calculated to do us any credit, many of our public works cost on an average at least fifty per cent. more than they would under a different arrangement. There is certainly no economy in this; enough money has been wasted within the last few years to have supported a corps of professional engineers suffi cient for the proper management of all the national improvements in the country." So much with regard to engineers. We have but twenty-seven; and of these General Gratiot tells us one third part is without experience, and, as a matter of course, cannot be intrusted with a work which requires and that no one can doubt is the case with all our fortresses-science and experience. Both are essential to their success. No one can found, and plan, and erect, strong and durable fortresses, without both these qualities. How, then, are we to expend, in the present year, ten or twelve millions upon fortifications, when we could not, in 1833-'4, expend one tenth part of that sum for the same objects? Our engineer corps has not since been increased or rendered more efficacious. It is true, there is a bill pending before Congress to increase but, though we may pass a law very quickly and very easily to that effect, yet we do not so quickly make for ourselves a more numerous and effective engineer corps. It requires time, the study and experience of years, to make an engineer that can be relied on. So, do what we will, years must elapse before we can have a corps of engineers much more effective than we have at present. And, if we appropriate ten millions this year for fortifications, it must either be wasted and misapplied, or eight out of ten must remain on hand an unexpended balance. The appropriations for fortifications have, for the last seven years, averaged about $800,000, more or less. That of 1834 was about $950,000; and that of 1835, it is well known, entirely failed. Now, let us see from the departments themselves how they succeeded in ap-it; plying and expending to advantage the ordinary appropriations, such as we have found them; from which we can infer their ability to expend to advantage ten or twelve millions a year of an excess over the ordinary appropriations. The first difficulty which I propose to suggest, in my inquiry as to these very large appropriations, is the want of competent engineers to project and prepare the plans for our works, and superintend them. This requires men of science and men of experience: have we got them? Can we procure them ready to our hand, furnished to order, whenever we may be disposed to vote money for fortifications? Let us hearken to the Presi dent on this subject. I refer to the documents accompanying his message to the two Houses of Congress of the 2d December, 1834, (document No. 2, pages 112, 113.) It is from the report of the chief engineer, General Gratiot, and refers as well to appropriations for roads, rivers, and harbors, as for fortifications. Listen to his plain, explicit, and intelligent exposition of this subject: "Ninety-one different appropriations, amounting to more than two millions of dollars, have been referred to this department for application within one fiscal year; and to accomplish this, and to meet all the responsibility which it involves, the department is provided with only twenty-seven officers whose services can with certainty be commanded, and of these about one third have had no experience. The consequence is, that works of the utmost importance, with large sums of money, are com mitted to the hands of agents unknown to the department, with no certainty whatever that the one will be properly managed or the other faithfully applied and accounted for. Besides, these agents are very numerous; their compensation is drawn from the appropriations under which they are employed. Citizens acting in the responsible capacity of constructing engineers and disbursing agents must be well paid; and hence large amounts of many of the appropriations are diverted from their proper objects, and applied to the payment of salaries. But, if this were the extent of the evil, it would be comparatively unimportant. Large sums are lost for want of sufficient agents qualified to project and execute plans for the improvements ordered by But this is not all. Mechanics and laborers, it seems, cannot be procured in sufficient numbers to enable us to apply all the money that we now appropriate, much less such sums as we are called upon to appropriate to these objects. On this subject I have looked to the executive message at the commencement of the present session, and, considering all the circumstances, I confess I was surprised to find the state of facts to be as it really is. By the act of June, 1834, there was appropriated to certain fortifications near New York, $150,000; that is to say: to Fort Columbus and Castle William, on Governor's Island, $50,000; and to Fort Schuyler, on Throg's neck, $100,000. It appears by the same report of the chief engineer, (Doc. No. 2, p. 100,) that good progress was made in these works in 1834, espe cially the preparatory part of it. He says: "The most ample preparations have been made; a permanent wharf will be in readiness by the time it is required; the necessary boats and machinery have been provided, an ample quarry of good stone prepared, and, indeed, every thing that may tend to expedite the work when commenced, will be found in waiting." Now, we all know that there was no appropriation to any of these objects in 1835, so that nothing remained to be done that year but to apply the unexpended balance of 1834 to those and other dike works, all in a state of forwardness. And was this done? Could it be done? Let the chief engi neer answer. I read from the documents accompanying the President's message of the 8th December, 1835. (Doc. No. 1, p. 101.) "Fort Schuyler, Throg's neck, East river, New York. It was hoped, from the ample preparations made last year, and the funds available for their application, that the construction of this fort would have been prosecuted SENATE.] National Defence. the present year with much vigor. But though materials and facilities of every description have been in waiting, it has been impossible to procure a sufficient force to carry on the work with the progress that was desired. No exertion has been spared to facilitate the operation, either by letting parts on contract or by hired labor, and unavailing efforts have been made to collect the necessary force in Boston, Newport, Connec ticut, and the western part of New York." So that the balance of the appropriation of about $950,000, made for fortifications in 1834, could not be expended in 1835, for want of mechanics and laborers. I would ask gentlemen here what they would have done with the regular appropriations of last year for those objects, if the bill had passed? Could they have applied it; or would it rather have added another large item to the account of unexpended balances? And, more particularly, what would have been done with the item of three millions, if it had been accepted by the Senate, and the bill had become a law? I know of no satisfactory answer to these inquiries, therefore I expect none. Of one thing, however, I am perfectly satisfied now, and it was a matter of very difficult solution to me heretofore. This state of things in the Departments accounts fully for the unwillingness of the friends of the administration to appropriate the sums to these objects which we of the opposition have heretofore thought necessary. There was danger of causing animadversions upon the executive departments, for failing to apply to the defence of the country funds which the two Houses had appropriated to that object. But let us, in passing, take a single glance at the navy appropriations, and see whether they have been as large as could be advantageously applied to their particular specified objects. We have it in a report of the Secretary of the Navy of February 3, 1836, (Doc. No. 96.) By this it appears that the whole amount applicable to the naval service for the year 1835 $7,314,277 3,600,243 was The amount expended was Leaving a balance on Dec. 31, 1835, of $3,714,034 Which the Executive did not cause to be expended in the year 1835, for the reason, doubtless that it could not be expended with advantage to the service. What, then, would be done with the prodigious appropriations which it is now proposed to make for these objects? Why, surely, remain on hand year after year as unexpended balances. In the view that I take of this subject I go distinctly upon the hypothesis that there is no danger whatever of a war with France. Indeed, the supposition that there ever was the slightest reason to apprehend it, unless, indeed, it were brought on by some secret order, on one side or the other, of which the country could know nothing until too deeply involved to recede; that there ever has been any probability of war, in the usual legitimate course of things, has always seemed to me an idle supposition. The only thing that ever looked like it was the proposition in the President's message to order letters of marque and reprisal. This, however, met with no response in either branch of Congress; it therefore fell to the ground. How, then, stood the question? France was offended with the message of the President; but she asks no explanation, except as a condition to the payment of the money. France says the American President has insulted her King in his message to the American Congress; and, although we owe you a sum of money, we will not pay it until the offensive language is explained. Ridiculous enough, in all conscience; much more of the ridiculous than of the arrogant. There is no threat on their part to attack us; this fleet of observation is like the storm ship of the [FER. 10, 1836. Tappaan Zee-it appears only in a hurricane; indeed, the ground on which they have rested the matter forbids them at once from ever assuming a belligerant attitude for this, until we make the first advances. Then, as to ourselves: it is too late for us to make war for the original injury, the taking and condemning our ships and cargoes in violation of the law of nations. This thing might once have been done, had we been able to make them feel our resentment when the injury was recent. But that time has gone by; and he who inflicted the wrong, that mighty man who for the first fifteen years of the present century was himself France, is long since beyond the reach of our resentment, be we now ever so mighty.' "After life's fitful fever he sleeps well." And we cannot declare war for the original injury, because our own spirit has slumbered too long to be provoked at this day by the voice of honor speaking from the tombs of by-gone years; and, still more, we have treated on this subject. The present King of France has confessed the wrong, agreed with us as to the extent of the injury, and promised reparation. It has, therefore, become a liquidated debt; by mutual consent it is so, and the original trespass is merged in the subsequent accord. But Louis Philippe now refuses payment because there were doubts entertained here by some of our public functionaries whether he really intended to pay or not. Now; this refusal does not, I confess, appear to me the wisest mode that could possibly be adopted for removing those doubts; and even if expressions were made use of by our President, which gave just offence to the honest pride of France, it is not, I incline to think, the most efficacious mode of vindicating national honor to refuse to pay a national debt. But still there is nothing to occasion war, unless we wish it for its own sake. Now, as to the apology. Not being one of the President's confidential advisers, or at least not being called upon by him for counsel in this matter, in the only way in which I am one of his advisers, I have not heretofore thought it necessary to say any thing on the subject, for I have never supposed that the opinions of gentlemen on this side of the House would have much weight in his councils, even if they were offered. But as the Senator from Tennessee has come out openly and candidly, and told us, with his usual precision, "what he is for,” I have no objection to give him my opinion also. Then I say that I most heartily disapproved of the message which involved the country in this unprofitable contest. I thought, and still think, that the President was not warranted, by the state of the facts, to intimate suspicions against the honor of the French King; nor did I think that the negotiation would be forwarded by a threat of resorting to reprisals. I thought it all illtimed and ill-judged; but this is not yet to the pointthe question of apology. It The authorities of France seemed to have mistaken the nature of their own Government as well as ours. never struck me that it was consistent with the true dignity of that nation that the Executive head should, in his diplomacy with a foreign Power, speak of the popular branch of their Government, and make the difficulty of passing a measure through the Chambers a diplomatic reason for delay in the execution of a treaty. These are facts which we might very well understand-facts which our Government ought to take into consideration and appreciate, but I do not think they ought ever to have been urged by France, in any form, in her diplomatic correspondence. To this, however, we, as a matter of course, have no right to except; it merely shows an over-anxiety on the part of their King to stand well with us, and to excuse his own inability to perform to |
