« AnteriorContinuar »
[Dec. 22, 1855.
within the jurisdiction of any other State, nor any State league were not entitled to a seat as a right, but the be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts presiding officer gave them seats as a courtesy. We of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the never applied for seats or took them. The case is dif. States concerned, as well as of the Congress.” Now, erent here. These Senators bave presented their cresir, said Mr. H., if it had been indispensably necessary dentials, and are bound to wait here until the admission that Michigan should become a State, and that the State of the State; and there could be no impropriety in their of Indiana should be partitioned and dismembered for waiting on the same terms as the Senators from Tennessee. her benefit, comity would have said that she should at But, while the resolution carefully omits any word wirich least have asked the consent of the Legislature of that can commit any Senator, while every such word is studiStale; and tbe constitution of the United States, as well ously left out, it may be, from the construction of the lanas comity would also have required the same thing. guage, that the Senators from Michigan may think tbey Comity, too, would have deferred something to the fact cannot use the privilege at all, without surrendering their that the State of Indiana has been peaceably in the own grounds, and that they may believe that they cannot Union for about twenty years, and that, too, with attend even as spectators in the gallery. He would leave boundaries prescribed and assented to by Congress. it to gentlemen if it might not be better to give them
Sir, said Mr. H., I undertake to say that Michigan is chairs, and admit them as spectators. If they are allownot a State, neither de facto nor de jure, and that she ed to listen to the debates which relate to the diagram never can be a State with her assumed boundaries. of country to which they belong, they might be able to The President of the United States is bound to see that present their views. He had listened yesterday to the the laws of the Union are faithfully administered, in and speech of the Senator from Ohio, which to bim was unover the Territory of Michigan, until the people of that answerable, but these gentlemen from Michigan might Territory shall have the permission of Congress to pass have found something to say in reply to it. They should from a Territorial to a State Government; and no one bave seats, to enable them to hear what concerns the can doubt that he will faithfully perform that duty. It diagram of country to which they belong, that if any might, perhaps, be out of place here to say much about erroneous facts or wrong analogies should be presente:), the rights, or pretended rights, of Michigan for admis- they may furnish the correction. The Senate had belsion into the Union. He would, however, say that she ter give them chairs, according to the precedent on the is not on an equal footing with any of the three States journals, and not use words such as might preclude them, already formed out of the Northwestern Territory. by making them suppose they cannot accept the courteTheir boundaries were described by the ordinance of sy without the compromise of their rights. 1787, and by it they were made and called States. In Mr. HENDRICKS said that he could very well apit, too, they bad a guarantee that they should be admit- preciate the feelings of delicacy so often inentioned in ted into the Union, with a population each of 60,000 this discussion. The proposition before the Senate was free inbabitants. None of these pre-requisites exist in exclusively one of courtesy and delicacy. He admitted, relation to Michigan. Congress has never yet determin. too, the propriety of prudence and caution in forming ed to form any State north of the latitude of the opinions about the right of Michigan to be received into southerly extreme of Lake Michigan.
the Union as a sovereign and independent State. But, The people of Michigan petitioned Congress two years in relation to himself and his colleague, a squeamisha ago to do this, but it has never been done. There is no delicacy would be entirely out of place. For us to doubt case in existence to which the present condition and at or hesitate about our course or duty, with the constitutitude of Michigan can be assimilated. That of Tennes- tion of Michigan on our tables, claiming as it does a see was a much stronger case; but he was willing to large district of our State, would be wholly unpardonaccord to the citizens in question all that was granted able. He, for one, bad no opinion on this subject to form. to the Senators from Tennessee. And what was that? He bad but one course to take, and that was to resist Ile took it from the pamphlet, furnished as he supposed the admission of Michigan as a State of this Union, at by a citizen of Michigan, for he had searched no further. every step, until she expunged from her constitution her It was that they should be “admitted as spectators, unfounded claim upon the territory of Indiana. until the decision of the Senate on the pending bill. It The Senator from Missouri had spoken of precedents, would not enlarge the present privileges of one of the and had instanced those of Tennessee and Missouri. But persons claiming to be received as a Senator from Mich- the Tennessee case conferred no greater privilege than igan. That privilege he had already under our rules, that already enjoyed by the honorable Lucius Lyon, in virtue of having been a Delegate in the other House; one of the gentlemen in question, in virtue of his havbut it would confer this privilege on the other, who had ing been a Delegate in the House of Representatives, it not. This much he was willing to do, and no more; and no greater privilege than that proposed by his amendand to effect this he offered an amendment to the prop. ment to be conferred on the other, the honorable JOHN osition of the Senator from Missouri, or a substitute, NorvELL. The precedent of Missouri. And is there whichever it ought to be considered, (for he had not the any similarity between the case of Missouri and that of proposition before him,) proposing to extend the same Michigan? Surely, none. Missouri was a State, known privileges of the Senate to the honorable John Norvell, as such to our laws. She had formed her constitution which, by our rules, are extended to the members of in pursuance of a law of Congress. She was a State de the House of Representatives and the Delegates from jure, as well as in form and in fact. She presented a the Territories.
constitution unexceptionable. There was no question of Resolved, that the same courtesy be extended to the boundary; no question about her right of admission as honorable John NORVELL, as a spectator in the Senate a State. The only question was one involving the powchamber, which, by the rules of the Senate, is now ex er of Congress to attach a condition, after her right to tended to the Delegates of Territories and members of admission had become perfect. Here, in the case of Michithe House of Representatives.
gan, the question of Siate or no State bas yet to be set* Mr. BENTON said we should be careful, lest the lan-iled, as well as the question of boundary, involving, as guage be construed to expel these Senators altogether. it does, the integrity of one or more of the States. In He did not intend to charge any such design, nor would relation to other states, where there were no difficult he say that such would be the effect. Il was a case in preliminary questions to settle, he believed that no which every man must consult his own bosom. When special comity had been shown to the Senators who prehe came here as a Senator from Missouri, he and his col- sented themselves. lle referred to the admission of
Dec. 23, 24, 1835.]
Newspapers to Members-Sessions of Congress.
Obio, Louisiana, Indiana, and other new States, where with bills.” It was contended by Mr. K. that this resothe journals showed no resolutions of courtesy to the lution came within the meaning of the rule, and ought Senators in attendance before they were sworn as mem to have three several readings on three several days. bers of the body. He well recollected that the Senators The CHAIR baving placed the same construction on from Indiana did not obtain seats until the joint resolu the rule, the resolution was ordered to lie over until to. tion of admission had passed both Houses, and obtained the appropriate signatures. The precedents which the
PATENT LAWS, practice of the Senate in these cases afforded were
The resolution offered yesterday by Mr. PRENTISS against the application in the present case.
was taken up for consideration. Mr. BUCHANAN thought more consequence was
Mr. PRENTISS modified the resolution by striking given to this matter than it deserved. There were some
out all after the words “circuit court,” and inserting points in this controversy on which, after the fullest ex
the following words: “in all cases where the validity amination, he had entirely made up his mind; and one
of a right derived from any suclı patent shall come in of these was, never, while he had a seat on this floor, to
question.” give a vote which would bave the effect of disturbing
The resolution, as modified and agreed to, reads as either the territory of Indiana or that of Illinois. Fur
follows: ther than this, at present, he would not go. But, hav
Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be ining come to this decision, he had as little hesitation to
structed to inquire into the expediency of giving to the expressing it as the gentleman from Indiana. The State
circuit courts of the United States original jurisdiction, of Michigan now came here and asked acmission. It
exclusive of the district courts, of the process and prowas proper that those who had been sent by her as Sena- ceedings prescribed by law for the repeal of patents for tors should be present in this body to hear what was
new and useful inventions and discoveries; and also of said, and to prosecute the claim in a proper manner.
allowing an appeal to the Supreme Court, by writ of All agree that they shall be admitted in some way,
error or otherwise, from the judgment of any circuit and the only question is, whether chairs shall be as
court, in all cases were the validity of a right derived signed to them, or they shall be admitted on the footing from any such patent shall come in question. of other privileged spectators. It had been said that it
The joint resolution introduced by Mr. Morris was would be sufficient to admit Mr. Norvell. He thought read a second time, and referred to the Committee on so himself; but, as the precedent went further, he the Judiciary. would vote with the Senator from Missouri.
But, if he were in the situation of that Sepator, and the course
BALLOT FOR CHAPLAIN. would be agreeable to the gentleman from Michigan, The Senate, according to order, proceeded to ballot he would so modify the motion as to make it agreeable for a chaplain. to what seemed to be the wish of the Senate. Mr.
There were three ballotings: Mr. Higbee and Mr. NORVELL might be admitted, and, when admitted, he
Ilarrison were the principal candidates. On the first would have to sit somewhere.
ballot each of these gentlemen received 12 votes; on Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH suggested that the motion the second ballot Mr. Harrison bad 16, and Mr. Higbee should be so modified as to admit the gentleman to the 15 votes; and on the third ballot Mr. Higbee received privileges of the Senate chamber.
23 out of 38 votes, and Mr. Harrison 14. Mr. BENTON suggested that the members of the
The Rev. Mr. Higbee was therefore elected chaplain other House were all privileged to come into the Senate of the Senate. chamber. There were many other privileged persons, Much other usual business was transacted to-day, in and the whole number might be three or four bundred. the reception of memorials, resolutions, introduction of There were more privileged persons than could get bills, and the reference of portions of the President's into the chamber, and these gentlemen might be so message to the appropriate committees. situated as to be excluded by the press of other persons. The Senate then adjourned. If chairs were provided, and a thousand persons were pressing into the chamber, they would be able to go to their chairs.
THURSDAY, DECEMBER 24. The question was put on the amendment moved by After the reception of sundry memorials, Mr. HENDRICKS, and dicided in the affirmative: Ayes
Mr. ROBBINS, in pursuance of notice given, asked 22, noes 18.
and obtained leave, and introduced a joint resolution The resolution, as amended, was then agreed to. After taking up sundry bills, and adopting various providing for supplying the members of the Senate
with newspapers; which was read, and ordered to a secresolutions lying on the table,
ond reading The Senate spent a short time in executive business, and then
SESSIONS OF CONGRESS. Adjourned.
Mr. HENDRICKS offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be in
structed to inquire into the expediency of fixing, by law, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 23.
the time of the commencement and close of every sucNEWSPAPERS TO MEMBERS.
ceeding session of Congress.
The resolution having been read, The resolution offered yesterday by Mr. ROBBINS, Mr. HENDRICKS said it would be recollected that, concerning the usual supply of newspapers to each Sen at the last session of Congress, the Committee on the ator, was taken up for consideration.
Judiciary had been instructed, on his motion, to inquire Mr. KING, of Georgia, read the rule which provides into the expediency of fixing, by law, the times of the “that all resolutions proposing amendments to the con commencement and close of every succecding session of stitution, or to which the approbation and signature of Congress. That this subject, owing to the great mass the President may be requisite, or which may grant of business before the session, which was a short one, money out of the contingent or any other fund, shall be did not receive the action of the committee or the Sentreated, in all respects, in the introduction and form of ate; and it was his intention, at the present time, again proceedings in them, in the Senate, in a similar manner to present it for consideration. He earnestly loped
Sessions of Congress.
(Dec. 24, 1835.
that the present session would not pass away without ! It is obvious, then, that the whole subject is open for legislation upon it. He was induced to look into this legislation. Congress cannot, indeed, say that the Con. matter, from the fact of the great disparity in the length gressional term of two years shall bereafter commence of the sessions, which disparity, too, was continually in at an earlier day than the 4th of March; because that creasing, by the continual increase of the long sessions. would infringe upon the constitutional term of the Con. The idea of equalizing the sessions, whatever their ne gress in being when this arrangement should commence; cessary length might be, seemed to be a reasonable one,
but Congress can say that the commencement of the and the increasing length of the long session had become term shall be on any subsequent day, and that the ses. a grievance and an evil which ought to be remedied. sions shall commence at any time thought to be most The third of March, from long usage and custom of this convenient. Government, had generally been looked upon as the The power, then, of regulating these matters by law termination of every Congress. But it was not necessa- being unquestionable, the propriety and necessity of rily so, not being established as such either by the con- doing so is scarcely less certain. He had said that the stitution or by law. He stated it as a fact, that, since the increasing length of the long sessions had become an first organization under the constitution of the United evil which ought to be remedied. For proof of this, it States, Congress had passed no law on the subject. was only necessary to look back a few years upon our There was nothing in the statute book about it, and the journals for the dates of our adjournments. During the Senate of the United States had never acted upon it. last session, Mr. H. said he had procured to be made There was nothing in existence upon this subject but out a statement showing the commencement and ter. a resolution of the old Congress of the 13th of Septem- mination, and the number of days, in each session of ber, 1788, which was obviously intended as an incipient Congress held under the constitution. A reference to and temporary regulation; and so the thing has rested this statement would show that, in the history of this ever since.
Government, in times of peace, there had been no ses. A glance at the history of this matter, said Mr. H., sion at all equal in length to the long sessions of the last will be sufficient to show us the propriety of legislating two Congresses; the sessions which terminated in 1832 upon it. The convention which formed the constitution and 1834. The session of 1812, when war was declared, of the United States reported that instrument to the was a few days longer than that of 1832, but the latter Congress of the confederation on the 17th of September, was much longer than any other session during the war. 1787, and on the 28th of the same month Congress re The long session of 1798, during our troubles with solved that the constitution so reported be transmitted France, was the longest session since the adoption of to the States for their ratification. On the 13th of Sep. the constitution. That, and the one just mentioned, of tember, 1788, Congress declared that the constitution | 1812, were the only sessions of greater length than that thus transmitted had been ratified by a sufficient num of 1832; and these and one other, that of 1790, are the ber of the States to give it effect. It was then necessa only sessions as long as that of 1834. The long sessions ry that measures be taken for the organization of the since the last war had all terminated in April and May, federal Government under it; and on the same 13!h of save the last two. September, 1788, the Congress of the confederation re. There is, Mr. President, much evil in this tendency solved that the first Wednesday of January next ensu to perpetual Parliaments. We all know that they are ing be the day for appointing electors in the several not needed on account of legislative business; for the States which before that day should have ratified the statute book, the journals, and our documents, show constitution; that the first Wednesday of the ensuing that during a short session as much useful business is February should be the day appointed for the electors generally done as in a long one. High party times, to assemble in their respective States and vote for a such as we have had for years past, and such as existed President; and that the first Wednesday of March next in 1798, give occasion for long sessions. Such times be the time, and the then seat of Government the place, have a tendency to protract the sessions that are not for commencing the proceedings under the constitution. limited by law; hut, whether for good or for evil, is very Now, this first Wednesday of March next, said Mr. H., questionable. Such times and such sessions are not happened to be the fourth day of March, 1789, and this well calculated to throw oil upon the troubled waters; was the only reason why the fourth day of March, in and party broils and national discords are generally every second year, has ever since been sanctioned, by heightened, and often engendered, by lengtly and exusage and custom, as the commencement of the Con-cited discussions here. A law, then, tbat would fix the gressional term; and the reason why the previous day, termination of every regular session, giving time enough the third of March, has been considered the close of the for all useful discussion and legislative deliberation, is, term.
as I believe, greatly to be desired.
The necessary And here he remarked that, in this view of the sub- business would then all be done, and probably with ject, the delicacy felt by many members in protracting much more certainty and accuracy than as the matter the sessions of the third of March beyond midnight was now stands. The day of adjournment being fixed, without any good reason: for, taking it for granted that business would be shaped in reference to that day, and the Congressional term of two years commenced on the much less time would be uselessly disposed of. 4th of March, the two years would not expire till the He would not, however, further pursue these resame hour of the day on the 4tb in which the first session marks, but would content himself, for the present, with of 1789 was opened. The truth is, said Mr. H., the offering a resolution on the subject, and with moving constitution says nothing about the 4th of March as the that the statement referred to be printed. commencement of the term; nor does any law, save the Mr. WEBSTER rose to state that he concurred in resolution of the old Congress before referred to. The what had fallen from the Senator from Indiana. That constitution merely says that “the House of Representa gentleman bad stated with entire correctness the manner tives shall be composed of members chosen every second in which every term of the members of the old Conyear by the people.” And in reference to the meeting gress commenced on the 4th of March, and terminated of Congress, or the commencement of the sessions, it on the 3d of March, of every second year therefrom. It says that “the Congress shall assemble at least once in did not appear on the record of the votes and proceed. every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monings of the old Congress that that body adjourned as a day in December, unless they shall by law appoint a matter of necessity, on the 3d or 4th of March. All diflerent day.”
that appeared was, that Congress, as soon as the con
stitution was ratified by nine States, as it was their duty Mr. PRESTON, from the Committee on the Judici. to do, put the new Government in operation; and that ary, reported the bill concerning cases of appeals in they were called together, in the city of New York, on suits arising out of the revenue laws, with an amendment. the first Wednesday in March, 1789. The first Wednes The Senate proceeded to the consideration of execuday happened to be on the 4th of March, and as that tive business; and, after a short time spent therein, day had been fixed, the 4th of March came to be con Adjourned till Monday. sidered as the commencement and end of the term of service of Senators and Representatives, for six and two
MONDAY, DECEMBER 28. years, respectively, and not the first Wednesday in
ALEXANDRIA MEMORIAL. March, which would be a variable period. He concurred in the general observations which had fallen from Among other memorials presented to day, the gentleman from Indiana, but he thought it doubtful Mr. BENTON presented the petition of sundry citiwhether we could change the day of the commencement zens of Alexandria, District of Columbia, numerously of the term of the session, because, since the practice signed, on the subject of the financial condition of that has grown into a law, some of the States have recognised town. The petitioners state, said Mr. B., that the the Congressional term as beginning and terminating on corporate authorities of Alexandria had, to say the least that day, and this cannot be altered. This he suggested of it, greatly mismanaged the affairs of the town, and without examination of the subject.
that the town had been involved in difficulties and debts But if it was found to be inconvenient in this respect, beyond its ability to pay; a state of things bearing hard the chief object of the Senator might still be accomplish on the middling and industrious classes. The petitioners ed. It would be convenient to meet on the first Monday prayed to be relieved from their Holland debt, and for in November, and to give to every alternate session an such other relief in their embarrassments as Congress, addition of a month or six weeks. To such a difference in its wisdom, might see fit to grant. Mr. B. presumed in the length of the sessions there could be no objection, that this petition had been put into his hands in consebecause the first session of every Congress is the long quence of some remarks he made a few days ago on the one, and, by the rules of the House, in certain stages, subject of the District banks, a kindred subject, referring the business was continued from session to session,
to the embarrassed financial condition of this ten miles therefore less time was required at the second session. square, created, as he believed, by great mismanageIf a law were to be passed fixing both sessions to com
ment. It was not for him to say any thing in aggravamence on the first Monday in November, and the second tion of the case set out by the petitioners. They were, to terminate on the 3d of March, while the first session some of them, no doubt, known to some of the members may be allowed to continue longer, he thought much of the Committee on the District, who would inquire good might result from the change. He was of the into all the circumstances referred to in the memorial. opinion that the present system was an evil, and it would He would move to refer the petition to the Committee on be a great convenience if gentlemen could be able to the District of Columbia; which motion was agreed to. ascertain precisely the time when their duties here
SUFFERERS BY FIRE IN NEW YORK. would terminate. With this general concurrence of the views of the Senator from Indiana, he hoped the reso
Mr. WRIGHT said he was charged with the presentalution would be adopted.
tion of a memorial on behalf of the citizens of the city of Mr. CLAYTON said that there were other reasons New York, and more especially in behalf of that porthan the lateness of the period at wbich this subject was tion of those citizens who were sufferers by the late referred to the Committee on the Judiciary at the last conflagration in that city... Consequent upon that unsession, for their delay in then recommending to the exampled calamity, a public meeting of the citizens of Senate any alteration in the periods of commencing and the city was called, and a committee of one hundred terminating the sessions of Congress. It was not under and twenty-five persons, distinguished for their standstood that a provision for commencing each session on ing, was appointed to prepare a memorial to Congress the first of November, as suggested by the gentleman for such relief as it might be supposed Congress could from Massachusetts, would not clash with provisions in afford. The memorial he held had proceeded from that some of the States fixing the time of electing Represent committee, and was signed by its chairman. atives, or render it necessary for those States to alter Mr. W. said the memorial was too long to authorize their constitutions. In some states the election of Rep. him to ask for its reading at the Secretary's table, and resentatives in November is provided for by their con he would therefore state, in the condensed language of stitutions. (Mr. WEBSTER said he knew of one--Mis the memorial itself, the relief prayed for, which was as sissippi.) Mr. C. said there was at least one other, the follows: State be in part represented, although there the elec 1. “A remission or refunding of duties on goods in tion occurred a year before the commencement of each original packages, which have been destroyed by the new Congress. "How far these constitutional provisions late conflagration. in other cases may form impediments to legislative 2. “An extension of credit on all the existing bonds action on this subject, the committee had not determined, for duties payable in this city, and falling due after the and indeed it would require much consideration of the 16th of this month. State laws and constitutions, which have been often 3. “A general temporary extension of the time of changed or modified, to decide upon an unexceptionable payment of cash and other duties on goods imported measure to equalize the sessions. He was favorable to into the United States subsequent to the 16th of this the object of the resolution, but the committee would month. not act without full information of the consequences of 4. “An investment of a portion of the unappropria. any measure which might be proposed to attain the end ted surplus revenue of the United States, in such peridesired; and he desired, in the event of the adoption of ods and such manner as will afford relief to the city of the resolution, that a Senator from each State should New York.” inform them of the operation of any plan suggested upon These, Mr. W. said, were the specific modes of relief his own section of country.
prayed for in the memorial. It was not his purpose to This resolution, which was considered and agreed to, consider them at this time; but he felt it to be a duty he and the statement accompanying it, were ordered to be owed to his colleague and himself, upon the presentaprinted.
tion of this memorial, to trouble the Senate with a sin
Distributive Land Bill.
(Dec. 29, 1835.
gle remark. This signal calamity upon a very numer. Senate with newspapers, was read a second time, and
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 29. of those who had suffered, to wait any action, so far as
DISTRIBUTIVE LAND BILL: action of Congress might be expected, until the specific After the usual preliminary business of the morning wishes of those immediately concerned, and therefore had been gone through with, most competent to specify their wants, should be made Mr. CLAY rose and addressed the Chair. Although known. That had now been done in the memorial he said he) I find myself borne down by the severest afficheld in his hand, and he most cheerfully communicated tion with which providence has ever been pleased to those wishes to the Senate. For the single reason as visit me, I have thought that my private griefs ought signed, and for no other, his colleague and himself, up not longer to prevent me from attempting, ill as I feel to this time, had remained silent upon this important qualified, to discharge my public duties. And ! now subject, and had not made any proposition, or in any rise, in pursuance of the notice which has been given, shape bronght the matter to the notice of the Senate. to ask leave to introduce a bill to appropriate, for a
Mr. W. then moved that the memorial, without a read- limited time, the proceeds of the sales of the public ing, be referred to the Committee on Finance, and that lands of the United States, and for granting land to certhe same be printed.
tain States. Mr. WEBSTER said he hoped the memorial would I feel it incumbent on me to make a brief explanation be printed with all possible despatch, that the members of the highly important measure which I have now the of the Senate might have an opportunity to read it. It honor to propose.
The bill, which I desire to introappeared :o be a long and reasoned paper, stating the duce, provides for the distribution of the proceeds of grounds, both of right and expediency, on which relief, the public lands in the years 1833, '34, '35, '36, and '37, in the specified modes, was asked.
among the twenty-four States of the Union, and conThese modes were different, and all entitled to much forms substantially to that which passed in 1833. It is, consideration. For the present, he should express an therefore, of a temporary character; but, if it shall be opinion only on one of them, and that was the last. In found to have salutai operation, it will be in the power that, the memorialists asked, substantially, for such an of a future Congress to give it an indefinite continuance; investment of the surplus revenue, or proper portions and, if otherwise, it will expire by its own terms.
In of it, as would be advantageous to the commercial com the event of war unfortunately breaking out with any munity of New York. I have regarded this (said Mr. foreign Power, the bill is to cease, and the fund which W.) as the most ready, plain, and effectual mode of it distributes is to be applied to the prosecution of the present relief. It is known that the amount of revenue war. The bill directs that ten per cent. of the nett pronow on hand, and for which there is no immediate call, ceeds of the public lands, sold within the limits of the is great. It is understood that some millions lie in a seven new States, shall be first set apart for them, in single deposite bank in the city of New York, locked addition to the five per cent. reserved by their several up from all public use. The emergency of the case compacts with the United States; and that the residue calls for such a disposition of these funds, as that, to a of the proceeds, whether from sales made in the States just and proper extent, they may be the basis of a dis or Territories, shall be divided among the twenty-four count, to meet the new created wants of the merchants. States in proportion to their respective federal populaImmediate means are wanted, some provision to meet tion. In this respect the bill conforms to that which existing obligations, till time shall be allowed for other was introduced in 1832. For one, I should have been arrangements, and other dispositions of business. In willing to have allowed the new States twelve and a half short, it is a great object to make the money market instead of ten per cent.; but, as that was objected to by easy, if possible, during the excitement and the distress the President in his veto message, and has been opposed occasioned by this great disaster. The Government can in other quarters, I thought it best to restrict the alreadily do much towards producing this effect, without lowance to the more moderate sum.
The bill also conthe slightest public inconvenience.
tains large and liberal grants of land to several of the I have heard that the deposite banks cannot discount new States, to place them on an equality with others to to the amount of their means, on account of the limita- which the bounty of Congress has been heretofore extions of their respective charters.
tended, and provides that, when other new States shall If this be so, I know not why the Secretary of the be admitted into the Union, they shall receive their Treasury might not, without any act of Congress, select share of the common fund. other banks, and distribute the fund among them, so The nett amount of the sales of the public lands in the that the community might enjoy the fullest benefit to be year 1833 was the sum of $3,967,682 55, in the year derived from that source. If two or three banks may 1834 was $4,857,600 69, and in the year 1835, accordbe selected, four or five might also, with the same pro- ing to actual receipts in the first three quarters, and an priety. I am persuaded it is the duty of Congress to estimate of the fourth, is $12,222,121 15; making an act in this matter promptly and efficiently. The Com- aggregate for the three years of $21,047;404 39. This mittee on Finance will consider this memorial imme- aggregate is wbat the bill proposes to distribute and pay diately, and be prepared to recommend 10 the Senate to the twenty-four States on the 1st day of May, 1836, such measures as may occur to them as being necessary upon the principles which I have stated. The differ and proper; but I hope it is likely the Senate may only ence between the estimate made by the Secretary of !he be called on to follow the lead of the other House. Treasury and that which I have offered of the product
The memorial was referred to the Committee on of the last quarter of this year, arises from my baving Finance.
taken, as the probable sum, one third of the total amount Several bills and resolutions were now successively ta of the first three quarters, and he some other conjectuken up and appropriately disposed of, without debate; ral sum. Deducting from the $21,047,404 39 the fisteen among which
per cent. to which the seven new States, according to the The joint resolution for supplying the members of the bill, will be first entitled, amounting to $2,612,350 18,