from my friend, Mr. Bridgen, which I received | should make a trip to London, but had no nofrom you last night. You will be so good as tion it would be so soon. On coming to town to acquaint him in answer to his first question, if any fund was established for the support of Mr. Laurens? that being informed about the middle of last month by a friend in London of Mr. L.'s being in want of money, I wrote on the 19th to Mr. Hodgson, a merchant in Coleman Street, in whose hands I had lodged cash for the support of prisoners, to hold £100 of it at the disposition of Mr. Laurens; and I since hear that on a like intimation to Mr. Adams in Holland, he has ordered another £100 to be applied to the same purpose. I have never heard that any fund was established in America for the use of that gentleman; probably it has not been known there that he had need of it. The second question, if any measures had been taken for his relief? will be answered by acquainting Mr. B. that the congress passed a resolution to offer the exchange of general Burgoyne for him, and impowered me to make the offer: that Mr. Burke having written to me in favour of his friend, general Burgoyne, on a supposition that the congress intended to recall him, I sent a copy of the resolution to Mr. Burke, and requested he would charge himself with the negotiation. I have since heard nothing, either from Mr. Hodgson or Mr. Burke; and as it is said, a packet was lately lost between Ostend and England, I begin to fear my letters have miscarried, and shall by the first post send copies. I wish Mr. Bridgen would however apply to both those gentlemen, learn what has been done, and through you acquaint me with it. I beg you would assure Mr. Bridgen of my best wishes and affectionate attachment. I hope his affairs in Carolina have been settled to his mind. With much esteem, I have the honour to be, madam, last evening, I found such pressing letters, that I propose setting off this evening or to-morrow at latest. I would have called if possible to receive your commands, but as I am pinched in time, must content myself with sending for them. The bearer will call for them an hour after receiving this letter. "I shall probably be interrogated about the dispositions in this country to peace. My own idea is, that you seek only your independence, and that this country, were that secured, will be moderate in other matters, as the object of the war does not seem to be conquest. Let me know if this is proper language. I notice that a courtly argument has been used in parliament for continuing the continental war, that withdrawing would make you insolent, and give France exclusive advantages were it not proper that this were contradicted flatly? Any commissions you may have will be taken care of, and I shall be back, barring accidents, in three weeks. Wishing you every thing that is good, I remain with equal esteem and respect, dear sir, your most obed:ent humble servant, "B. FRANKLIN." 66 W. ALEXANDER." Answer to Mr. Alexander. "PASSY, December 15, 1781. "DEAR SIR,-I thank you for informing me of your intended journey. You know so well the prevailing sentiments here, and mine in particular, that it is unnecessary for me to express them; and having never been believed on that side the water, it would be useless. I will say, however, that I think the language you mention very proper to be held, as it is the truth; though the truth may not always be proper. Wishing you a good voywith great esteem, dear sir, yours, &c. &c. age, and happy return to your children, I am "B. FRANKLIN.” "To David Hartley, Esq. M. P., sent by Mr. Alexander with a pamphlet. "P. S. About the beginning of the year, having heard a report that Mr. Laurens was ill-used, I wrote a little remonstrance to sir Grey Cooper on the occasion; who replied, by acquainting me that on inquiry he found the report to be groundless; and by sending me a letter he had received from the lieutenant of the Tower, which assured him in 'PAssy, December 15, 1781. the strongest terms, that Mr. Laurens was "MY DEAR FRIEND,-I received your faperfectly satisfied with the treatment he re- vour of September 26, containing your very ceived, and frequently expressed his thank-judicious proposition of securing the spectators fulness for the same; this made me easy, hearing nothing afterwards to the contrary till lately." in the opera and playhouses from the danger of fire. I communicated it where I thought it might be useful. You will see by the enclosed that the subject has been under consideration here. Your concern for the security of life, even the lives of your enemies, does honour to your heart and your humanity.But what are the lives of a few idle haunters "MY DEAR SIR,-I told you last time I had of playhouses compared with the many thouthe pleasure of seeing you at Passy, that I'sands of worthy men, and honest, industrious From Wm. Alexander, Esq. to Dr. "PASSY, Dec. 15, 1781. "To M. Dumas. 'PASSY, December, 19, 1781. “DEAR SIR,— I duly received yours of the 11th, per young Mr. de Neufville, enclosing the pamphlets, of which I gave one the next day to Mr. Boudoin. It was so long since we have heard from you, that we feared you were sick. "I enclose sundry American newspapers, out of which perhaps something may be drawn for your printers. There are the orders of general Greene after the battle of Eutaw Springs, by which it appears that the militia behaved to general satisfaction. There are also the proceedings relating to colonel Isaac Haynes, which it may be well to publish, as probably we may soon hear that general Greene, according to his promise in his proclamation, has hanged some of the British officers in retaliation; and the knowledge of these proceedings may operate in his justification. In the German paper there are two dialogues, of which you can best judge whether the printing of them in Germany may not have some little effect in opposition to Fawcett's recruiting. I suppose this letter may find you at Amsterdam, and therefore I send it under cover to Mr. Adams, with the usual compliments of the approaching season. "B. FRANKLIN." families butchered and destroyed by this de- | received your letter, I had one (from Mr. vilish war! O! that we could find some hap- Benjamin Vaughan, who is connected with py invention to stop the spreading of the the family of Mr. Manning) which informflames, and put an end to so horrid a confla- ed me that Mr. Laurens was really in want gration! Adieu, I am ever, yours most affec- of necessaries; and desired to know if any tionately, "B. FRANKLIN." provision was made for his subsistence. I wrote immediately to Mr. Hodgson, in whose hands I had lodged some money, requesting him to hold £100 of it at the disposition of Mr. Laurens, and to acquaint Mr. Vaughan with it. About this time I received two letters; one from Mr. Burke, member of parliament, complaining that his friend, general Burgoyne, (in England on his parole) was re claimed and recalled by congress, and requesting I would find some means of permitting him to remain. The other was from the congress, enclosing a resolve that impowered me to offer general Burgoyne in exchange for Mr. Laurens. Perceiving by Mr. Burke's letter, that he was very desirous of obtaining his friend's liberty, and having no immediate intercourse with the British ministry, I thought I could not do better than to enclose the resolve in my answer to his letter, and request him to negotiate the exchange. When I received yours, I was in Mr. Burke and Mr. Hodgson, which would expectation of having soon an answer from enable me to give you more satisfactory information. I, therefore, delayed writing to you from post to post till I should hear from them; and fearing from the length of time that my letters had miscarried, I sent copies of them. It is but yesterday that I received an answer froin Mr. Hodgson, dated the 21st instant, in which he writes me, I received your favour of the 19th ultimo; I immediately acquainted Mr. Vaughan with your directions concerning the supplying Mr. Laurens. He has been acquainted therewith; but hitherto no application has been made to me for the money: whenever it is, you may be assured it shall be complied with.' No answer is come to my hands from Mr. Burke; but I see by a newspaper Mr. Hodgson sends me, that he has endeavoured to execute the commission. I enclose that paper for your satisfaction, together with a copy of your father's petition to parliament, on which I do not find that they have yet come to any result: but observing that he makes no complaint in that petition, of his being pinched in the article of subsistence, I hope that part of our intelligence from London may be a mistake. I shall, however, you may depend, leave nothing undone that is in my power, to obtain his release, and assure you that the thought of the pleasure it must afford a child, whose mind is of so tender a sensibility, and filled with such true filial duty and affection, will be an additional spur to my endeavours. I suppose Mr. Adams has informed you that he has ordered another £100 sterling to be paid 66 "Miss Laurens. "PASSY, December 29, 1781. MADAM,—I received your very sensible letter of the 14th past. Your brother, colonel Laurens, being here when I received the former, I informed him of the steps I had then taken, respecting your good father, and requested him to answer your letter for me. I did suppose he had done it; but his great and constant occupation while here, might occasion his omitting it. The purport was, that on a report of your father's being harshly treated, I wrote in his behalf to an old friend, sir Grey Cooper, secretary of the treasury, complaining of it. His answer was, that he had inquired, and found the report groundless; and he sent me enclosed a letter he received from the lieutenant of the Tower, assuring him that Mr. Laurens was treated with great kindness, was very sensible of it, thankful for it, and frequently expressed his satisfaction: on this I became more easy on his account; but a little before I VOL. I... 3 E 34* Mr. Laurens: and I hope you will soon have David Hartley to Dr. Franklin. "LONDON, Jan. 2, 1782. "MY DEAR FRIEND,-I have received the favour of yours of the 15th of December, by Mr. Alexander. I most heartily join with you in the wish that we could find some means to stop the spreading flames of this devilish war. I will not despair. The communications which he has imparted to me from you, have revived my hopes of peace. I laid them before the minister immediately. We are at a suspense for the present upon a very material preliminary. I did intend writing to you at the present pause, that we might make our ground good as we go on, but an accident which has happened obliges me to do it without delay. For having had a most essential question transmitted to me from lord North for explanation, when I would have applied to Mr. Alexander, I could not hear of him; and now I find that he has left his hotel these four or five days, and his return uncertain, I must apply to you. I will state to you what has passed. 66 gotiation promises much the shortest road to 66 Upon Mr. Alexander's opening thus much to me, I told him I would apply for the earliest opportunity of laying these matters before the minister. Accordingly, on Friday morning (December 21) I applied through the means of the earl of Guildford (father to lord North,) a nobleman of a most respectable character, advanced in years, and attached by every possible tie to a son now in a most arduous situation. I therefore requested the favour through his hands, as giving me the most conciliatory access to the minister, to whom I was preparing to make an application for peace. After the appointment was made with lord North for Friday evening, I returned to Mr. Alexander, to consider the specific manner and terms in which I should make my application. It had occurred to me, from what Mr. Alexander had stated to me, that the conciliatory bill* which I had moved in the last parliament, on June 27, 1780, would still serve as a foundation to proceed upon: I therefore carried it with me. He told me that he and you knew the sense of the bill very well, and that it would be entirely consonant to your sentiments, that I should state it to lord North, as drawing an outline for negotiation of peace. However, to avoid all Upon my first interview with Mr. Alex- errors, I read the bill through to him, and exander, he told me that the late events would plained the view of each clause, viz. the style make no difference in the prospect of peace; of provinces of North America-a general that America had no other wish than to see a phrase to avoid any term denoting dependence termination of this war; that no events would or independence: the truce for an indefinite make them unreasonable on that subject, term: the articles of intercourse for ten years which sentiments likewise your letter ex- certain-to restore an amicable correspondpresses; and that no formal recognition of in-ence-and to abate animosities: the suspendependence would be required. I thought this a very fair opening; but the next point which he explained to me, seemed to be still more material towards peace, viz. that America was disposed to enter into a separate treaty with Great Britain, and their allies were disposed to consent to it. I believe that it has been the unfortunate union of common cause between America and France, which has for the last three years turned aside the wish of the people of England for peace. I verily believe (so deep is the jealousy between England and France) that this country would fight for a straw to the last man, and the last shilling, rather than be dictated to by France. I therefore, consider this as the greatest rub out of the way. I have often argued this point with you upon former occasions, having at all times foreseen, that it would be the greatest rub in the road to peace, and I have often stated it to you as an act of justice due to America from her allies, not to drag her through a war of European resentments and jealousies, beyond her original views and engagements; and moreover I think the separation of the causes in the ne sion of certain acts of parliament-to avoid every possible question of dependence or independence: and to finish the work, by a ratification of each article of intercourse as agreed to, thereby to prevent all possible return of war. I compared the articles of intercourse for a short term, and their ratification into a permanent peace, to a well known mode of proceeding in the laws of England, by lease and release, from temporary to perpetual amity and peace. Upon these grounds I took my commission from him for lord North, viz. the question of dependence or independence sub silentio-a separate treaty with America, and to state the conciliatory bill of June, 1780, as the outline of negotiation. I saw lord North in the evening, and stated the foregoing propositions to him, as I have now stated them to you. After having stated the compromise sub silentio, and the separate treaty, I left with lord North the copy of the bill of June, 1780, together with a paper, entitled, Conciliatory Propositions, as explanatory of that bill (both enclosed with this.) The next morning (viz. *See Mr. Hartley's letter of July, 1780. i Saturday, December 22,) I saw Mr. Alex- some desponding impressions, as if the minisander, and reported to him what I had stated try were indisposed to peace, and that things to lord North, and showed him a copy of the would not do, &c. He did not tell me upon paper, entitled, Conciliatory Propositions.- what ground he had formed such apprehenHe told me that I had executed my com- sion; however, lest he should have imparted mission perfectly to his intelligence of the mat- any such by letter to you, I will state that ter. I should tell you, that at the conclusion point to you, because it may have infinite ill of my conversation with lord North, we both consequences to be too touchy on such suspi-settled jointly the result thus, I recommend cions. A premature jealousy may create the to your lordship the propositions which I have very evil it suspects. The ministry in this had the honour of stating to you as, general country are not every thing. The sense of grounds of a proposed negotiation, leading the people when really expressed and exerttowards peace, under liberal constructions.' ed, would be most prevalent. Suppose then Lord North said in answer, so I understand it were a proved point, that every man in the them.' ministry were in his heart adverse to peace. "Upon this footing matters rested for some What then? withhold all overtures! By no days. On Sunday last (December 30,) I re-means. I should advise the very contrary in ceived a message from lord North, through the strongest manner. I should say, let the the means of lord Guildford, requesting an ex- overtures be made so much the more public planation of this point, viz. Who is autho- and explicit, by those who do wish for peace. rized to treat on the part of America? whether It is the unfortunate state of things which has you or Mr. Adams, or both jointly; and whe- hitherto bound the cause of France to any ther the propositions above stated, would be possible treaty with America, and which has acknowledged, as general grounds of negotia- thereby thrown a national damp upon any action towards peace, by the person or persons tual public exertions to procure a negotiation authorized to treat; because it was necessary, for peace with America. I have the strongest before he could lay a matter of so great im- opinion, that if it were publicly known to the portance before the cabinet council, that he people of England that a negotiation might be should be entitled to say, These propositions opened with America, upon the terms above and general outlines come to me from respon- specified, that all the ministry together, if they sible and authorized persons.' The moment were ill disposed, to a man, would not venture I received the request of lord North, I agreed to thwart such a measure. But why should entirely with the necessity of an explanation it be supposed, that the ministry, to a man, are on that head. I had partly expected such an ill disposed to a peace? Suppose them to be inquiry, and it gave me satisfaction when it half and half, and the public wish and voice came, as I thought it the first reply towards a of the people in favour of negotiation, it is eviparley. If the propositions had not gained dent on which side the balance would incline. some attention it would have been of very But why should we seek to throw a damp prelittle importance to have inquired whence maturely upon any chance? Why presume they came. As to the caution itself, it ap- even against any individual? I grant, that it pears to me not only prudent but indispensa- would be a bitter trial of humility to be brought ble. The forms of caution in such cases are to a formal recognition of independence at the the essentials of caution. I had determined haughty command of France, and I believe on my own account, before this message, to every part of the nation would proceed to evehave writ to you, that I might have received ry extremity before they would submit to that. your sentiments directly from yourself with- But if that touchy point can be provided for, out any other intervention, that we might pro- sub silentio, and if the proposed treaty with ceed with caution and certainty in a matter America may be carried on free from conof such infinite importance. This message trol by France, let us give the cause of peace has only quickened my despatch. The two a fair trial; at the worst we should but be points of explanation requested, I take to be where we were if we should fail. But why these; whether the outlines above recited are should we expect to fail, when the greatest properly stated, always considering that they rub is removed, by the liberty of entering seimply no farther than general grounds of ne-parately into a treaty? I think it a most fagotiation towards peace; under liberal constructions; and secondly, by what authorized person or persons, any answer on this subject would be accepted; in short a requisition of credentials preparatory to a formal answer, which is so much the more necessary on the supposition of a favourable reception of the first hint towards negotiation. "When I last saw Mr. Alexander, viz. about four or five days ago, he had met with| vourable event, leading towards peace. Give us a truce with its concomitants, and a little time so given for cooling will have most excellent effects on both sides. Eternal peace and conciliation may then follow. I send this to you by the quickest despatch, that we may bring this point to a fair issue before the meeting of parliament. God prosper the blessed work of peace. "D. HARTLEY." Conciliatory Bill. heartily devoted to that cause. I have noIn the title and preamble of the bill the thing farther to add, either upon my own rewords provinces of North America are used with Mr. Alexander, to what I have stated flections or from my subsequent conversations as general words, neither implying depend-in the foregoing letter. If we once make a ence or independence. Clause 1. The Truce is taken from the conciliatory act of 1778, and is indefinite as to the proposed duration of the truce. Under this clause it might be proposed to negotiate three points, viz. the removal of the British troops from the thirteen provinces of North America, and connectedly with this article, a stipulation for the security of the friends of the British government. The third article might be a stipulation that the respective parties, during the continuance of the truce, should not, neither directly or indirectly, give assistance to the enemies of each other. Clause 2. Articles of intercourse and pacification. Under this clause some arrangements might be settled, for establishing a free and mutual intercourse, civil and commercial, between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces of North America. good beginning upon the plan there stated, I “To David Hartley. PASSY, January 15, 1782. "DEAR SIR,-I received a few days since your favour of the 2d instant, in which you tell me, that Mr. Alexander had informed you 'America was disposed to enter into a separate treaty with Great Britain.' I am persuaded that your strong desire for peace has misled you, and occasioned your greatly misunderstanding Mr. Alexander; as I think it scarce possible he should have asserted a thing so utterly void of foundation. I reClause 3. Suspension of certain acts of member that you have, as you say, often urgparliament. By this clause a free communi-ed this on former occasions, and that it always cation may be kept open between the two countries, during the negotiation for peace, without stumbling against any claim of rights which might draw into contest the question of dependence or independence. Clause 4. The ratification by parliament. The object of this clause is to consolidate peace and conciliation, step by step, as the negotiation may proceed; and to prevent, as far as possible, any return of war, after the first declaration of a truce. By the operation of this clause, a temporary truce may be converted into a perpetual and permanent peace. Clause 5. A temporary act. This clause, creating a temporary act for a specific purpose of negotiation in view, is taken from the act of 1788. "January 8, 1782. gave me more disgust than my friendship for you permitted me to express. But since you have now gone so far as to carry such a proposition to lord North, as arising from us, it is necessary that I should be explicit with you, and tell you plainly, that I never had such an idea, and I believe there is not a man in America, a few English Tories excepted, that would not spurn at the thought of deserting a noble and generous friend, for the sake of a truce with an unjust and cruel enemy. I have again read over your Conciliatory Bill, with the manuscript propositions that accompany it; and am concerned to find, that one cannot give vent to a simple wish for peace, a mere sentiment of humanity, without having it interpreted as a disposition to submit to any base conditions that may be offered us, rather than continue the war; for, on no "P. S. Since writing this letter, I have seen other supposition could you propose to us a Mr. Alexander, and shall see him from time to truce for ten years, during which we are to time to communicate with him. I do not engage not to assist France, while you contisuppose I shall have an answer from lord nue the war with her. A truce too, wherein North till the preliminary points are so set- nothing is to be mentioned that may weaken tled as to enable him to give an answer in your pretensions to dominion over us, which form. Ministry might undoubtedly give a you may therefore assume at the end of the short negative, if they thought proper; but I term, or at pleasure; when we should have do not expect that. You may be assured so covered ourselves with infamy, by our that I have, and shall continue to enforce, treachery to our first friend, as that no other every argument in the most conciliatory man-nation can ever after be disposed to assist us, ner to induce a negotiation. I am very sorry how cruel soever you might think fit to treat for Mr. A.'s confinement, on his own account, and on that of his friends, and because probably in the future state of his business, his personal exertions may be very serviceable in the cause of peace. Every assistance and every exertion of mine will always be most us. Believe me, my dear friend, America |
