of 1775. They are an order of citizens deserving better of Government than to be involved in new confusions. It is wrong to make our trade wage war for our politics. It is now scarcely said that it is a thing to be sought for but a weapon to fight with. To gain our approbation to the system, we are told it is to be gradually established; in that case, it will be unavailing. It should be begun with in all its strength, if we think of starving the islands. Drive them suddenly and by surprise to extremity, if you would dictate terms, but they will prepare against a long-expected failure of our supplies.

[JANUARY, 1794.

are expected to excite her to supplicate our friendsnip and to appease us by soothing the animosity of our enemies.

What is to produce effects so mystical, so opposite to the nature, so much exceeding the efficacy of their pretended causes? This wonder-working paper on the table, is the weapon of terror and destruction-like the writing on Belshazzar's wall, it is to strike parliaments and nations with dismay. It is to be stronger than fleets against pirates, or than armies against Indians. After the examination it has undergone, credulity itself will laugh at these pretensions.

We pretend to expect not by the force of our restrictions, but by the mere show of our spirit, to level all the fences that have guarded for ages the monopoly of the Colony trade.

Our nation will be tired of suffering loss and embarrassment for the French. The rice growers and tobacco planters of the South will be, and ought to be, soon weary of a contest which they are told is to benefit ship owners of the East. The The repeal of the Navigation Act of England, struggle, so painful to ourselves, so ineffectual which is cherished as the palladium of her safety, against England, will be renounced, and we shall which time has rendered venerable and prosperity sit down with shame and loss, with disappointed endeared to her people, is to be extorted from her passions and aggravated complaints. War, which fears of a weaker nation. It is not to be yielded would then suit our feelings, would not suit our freely, but violently torn from her; and yet the weakness. We might perhaps find some Euro-idea of a struggle to prevent indignity and loss, is pean Power willing to make war on England, and considered as a chimera too ridiculous for sober we might be permitted by a strict alliance to par- refutation. She will not dare, say they, to resent take the misery and the dependence of being a it, and gentlemen have pledged themselves for the subaltern in the quarrel. The happiness of this certain success of the attempt; what is treated as situation seems to be in view when the system be- a phantom is vouched by fact. Her Navigation fore us is avowed to be the instrument of aveng- Act is known to have caused an immediate coning our political resentments. Those who affect test with the Dutch, and four desperate sea-fights to dread foreign influence will do well to avoid a ensued, in consequence, the very year of its paspartnership in European jealousies and rivalships. sage. How far it is an act of aggression for a neuCourting the friendship of the one, and provoking tral nation to assist the supplies of one neighbor, the hatred of the other, is dangerous to our real in- and to annoy and distress another, at the crisis of dependence; for it would compel America to throw a contest between the two, which strains their herself into the arms of the one for protection strength to the utmost, is a question which we against the other. Then foreign influence, perni- might not agree in deciding. But the tendency of cious as it is, would be sought for, and though it such unreasonable partiality, to exasperate the should be shunned, it could not be resisted. The con- spirit of hostility against the intruder, cannot be nexions of trade form ties between individuals doubted. The language of the French Governand produce little control over Government. They ment would not soothe this spirit. are the ties of peace, and are neither corrupt nor corrupting.

It proposes, on the sole condition of a political connexion, to extend to us a part of their West InIn the course of his speech, Mr. A. adverted to dia commerce. The coincidence of our measures the danger of cutting off a part of the public reve- with their invitations, however singular, needs no nue by the operation of the proposed regulations. comment. Of all men, those are least consistent, He remarked upon the hostile tendency of the who believe in the efficacy of the regulations, and resolutions; we have happily escaped from a state yet affect to ridicule their hostile tendency. In the of the most imminent danger to our peace. A commercial conflict say they, we shall surely prefalse step would lose all the security for its con- vail and effectually humble Great Britain. In open tinuance which we owe at this moment to the con- war we are the weaker, and shall be brought into duct of the PRESIDENT. What is to save us from danger, if not to ruin. It depends, therefore, acwar; not our own power which inspires terror; cording to their own reasoning, on Great Britain not the gentle and forbearing spirit of the Powers herself, whether she will persist in a struggle of Europe at this crisis; not the weakness of Eng- which will disgrace and weaken her, or turn it land; nor her affection for this country; if we be- into a war which will throw the shame and ruin lieve the assurances of gentlemen on the other upon her antagonist. The topics which furnish side. What is it then? It is the interest of Great argument to show the danger to our peace from Britain to have America for a customer, rather than the resolutions, are too fruitful to be exhausted. an enemy. And it is precisely that interest which But without pursuing them further, the expegentlemen are so eager to take away, and to trans-rience of mankind has shown that commercial fer to France. And what is stranger still, they say they rely on that operation as a means of producing peace with the Indians and Algerines. The wounds inflicted on Great Britain by our enmity,

rivalships, which spring from mutual efforts for monopoly, have kindled more wars and wasted the earth more than the spirit of conquest.

He hoped we should show by our vote, that we

French Emigrants from St. Domingo.

A petition of Peter Gauvain and Louis Dubourg, in behalf of the French refugees of Cape Mr. S. SMITH, in reply to Mr. SMILIE, said, that François, now at Baltimore, was presented to the Mr. Genet, when solicited on behalf of these peoHouse and read, praying that Congress will speed-ple, made answer, that he was not authorized on ily decide on the memorial of the committee ap- the part of the Republic to give them any thing, pointed by the Legislature of Maryland, do draw but sent them $2,000 from himself. for, and distribute, the moneys granted by that

JANUARY, 1794.]

Commerce of the United States.

gentlemen. In short, I revere their sentiments while I differ with them.

The United States are happily independent, and, as other nations, are to act a part on the great theatre of this world. And I am aware of the malignity, envy, jealousy, and all the other fell passions, so predominant with nations in general. I am also well aware that the commerce of this people is a subject which embraces present and remote consequences of the greatest importance; and I hope that I shall not incur the imputation of vanity, in saying that I am second to very few, in a tender and paternal regard for the well-being of this our common country.

[H. OF R.

Lack of bread, or other articles which compose our supplies, will at all times bring forward purchasers. No ship navigates the ocean to serve United America. It is interest that stimulates the mariner.

The Eastern States are competent to several branches of manufacture, and to the production of wool, flax, &c. Their habits of economy, patience, and industry, are entitled to great praise. I consider them as very respectable branches of the Union, while I admire that spirit of enterprise conspicuous in their brave citizens. But if their scene of action should be a little circumscribed, they can be usefully employed at their peaceful homes, in the enjoyment of every domestic comfort.

All temporal things are subject to excess, and the people, by their representatives, have a right to judge when the tide, even of commerce, is The Middle States are productive of iron and verging to a dangerous and destructive channel. other things necessary, and are prosecuting some And shall not this great and growing country ex-manufactures with effect. They have from the ert a timely and cautious prudence against the first been engaged in manufactures. Pennsylvania, selfish policy of any nation? Surely, the Ameri- I well remember, has long attended to manufaccan people may pursue such measures as appear tures, and to the comfort of her artificers, which to be for the advantage of their free citizens with- has conduced to the present opulence and real inout incurring the resentment of any. But if, in dependence of her citizens. My recollection takes despite of the purest intentions, and of justice and in the first manly growth of this State: look to it moderation, a malignant and hostile temper in now. Behold what the majesty of the people is any, should be the result, it is the duty of a great and acting and doing for the common weal! Then generous people to meet the event with firmness, an why hesitate, and thus timidly look to others for indignant contempt, and to prepare for the worst. what is here attainable?

I confess that I consider the genius of commerce almost as a divinity, yet I cannot expand my faith with those who contend that it may rush against and overturn all the fences of reason, and in the end regulate itself. A position to me as incongruous, as that the atoms innumerable, which float in our atmosphere, shall at last adhere, and form an intelligent being.

The Southern States produce cotton and other necessary articles, and are susceptible of great improvement in manufactures, as great numbers of a certain description that are for the most part idle, may be usefully and advantageously employed.

Óne State on the Southwestern frontier can supply all nations with hemp, and it might perhaps be of public utility to encourage the growth of this valuable article, as well as some particular branch of manufacture.

fast increasing public debt? No: nor against perpetual conflicts, and the most violent discord with other nations.

If circumstances in the course of our commerce are, in some measure, against us, and which few deny, the longer this subtle evil prevails, the more Why should the American citizens, possessed of arduous the task in removing it; habits of long the most fertile and extensive Continent, wish to standing are very obstinate. We shall be told act like those confined within very narrow limits? from time to time, that the period is not yet, when Let us cast our eyes to one of those great comAmerican manufactures may be introduced. It is mercial nations. View their preposterous naval natural for man to entertain a pleasing desire to armaments. Are not their subjects oppressed and remain on his native spot, and this will be the bowed down with taxes? But can this oppres case while the many thousands we support be-sive burden secure them against an enormous and yond the Atlantic can be supplied by us with materials, and fed at home. It is, in my opinion, high time to form the basis of our real independence. Some of our present commercial connexions are so far on excess, as to endanger the propagation of a spirit and opinions repugnant to the freedom and real interest of the greatness of the people, by inducing them to believe that they ought implícitly to concur with those who advocate commerce, though in excess, be their motives what they may. It is visionary to hope that all the agricultural productions of this extensive Continent can always find a market at the islands in the Atlantic, and those sterile tracts of Europe, which now receive them. It would afford me much real pleasure if such were the case-fond as I am of agriculture, and anxiously engaged for the prosperity of all who are prosecuting that very necessary and life-sustaining occupation.

Shall the great body of American citizens place all their hopes on the turbulent seas ?-bid adieu to every endearing connexion, explore every sea and dangerous coast on the globe-for what? I bow to such intrepidity-such a spirit of enterprise. But what says reason? Stay at home, my sons, and comfort those with whom you are endearingly connected.

The great art of Government is, to support in comfort the greatest numbers; and therefore, the Government of China is considered by many as a very good one, their numbers being exceedingly great. These people are zealously attached to the soil of their widely-extended country. The natives of China are not seen in every part of the habitable earth, nor on the remotest seas. Upon

H. OF R.]

Commerce of the United States.

[JANUARY, 1794.

the whole, it is with me conclusive, that there far these resolutions were formed to remedy the may be dangerous excess even in some commer- first, or to remove the last. cial transactions; and that to cherish manufac- He believed the commercial situation of this tures, as far as reason and the state of things dic-country, relatively considered, towards the Powers tate, is politically and absolutely necessary. of Europe, was now pretty well understood to be indebted more to interest than to partiality in any of the Powers.

Mr. FORREST rose merely to solicit that the question might be put, as enough had been said on both sides of it.

That it was flourishing, when considered independently of the present war, from which nothing certain could be concluded, he had no doubt.

Mr. MURRAY said, he should feel himself admonished, by the lateness of this period of the debate, and call of the question from his colleague, to With respect to the comparative estimate of the shorten the remarks which he intended to offer restrictions and privileges imposed or granted by against the resolutions, nor would he now presume those Powers, or by the United States, he should on the indulgence of the Committee, after so much trust the efficacy of the information on that part had been said, did he not hold it to be the duty of of the question, to the recollection of the Commita Representative to use every exertion, either to tee, and would confine himself to a few points obtain a good, or to avert an evil. He would en- which he believed had been but lightly touched deavor to avoid tiring the Committee with a re-on by others. He would endeavor to offer some petition of what had been so ably stated by those with whom he thought, and would leave the clear and comprehensive statement of the relative situation of our trade towards Great Britain, France, and other Powers, to that good sense in the Committee, which would find ample consolation in the comparison. As his own prejudices, which he confessed were heretofore fostered by a defect of commercial knowledge, had yielded to the lights which his own examination, and that of others, had thrown on this question, he entertained a hope that others, similarly situated, would candidly and impartially view a subject, which demanded a dismission of prejudice and passion, and which ought to be tried upon a commercial principle, which was a computing and a comparing

one.

remarks that he thought palliated some of the evils complained of as grounds of change; and confine his views to a few heads of complaint. It was said our commerce was shackled by the British, and by the influence of habit; that our tonnage was unequal to our exports; that arrangements might be made with other nations, who would give us a greater latitude and more liberal terms. He denied that the commerce of the United States was shackled or confined, or that it was restricted unnaturally by old Colonial habits. The report of the actual tonnage of the United States showed us a foreign commerce, employing 289,294 tons. Any man who was acquainted with the real state of this subject would naturally have concluded, from the declarations of gentlemen, that, so inveterately were our old Colonial habits formed, and so miserably was our commerce confined, this large amount of tonnage must have been concentered in the ports of Britain or her Colonies.

He had early, and for a long time, taken up ideas without much examination, that the American commerce suffered from illiberal restrictions, and declared that, when the gentleman from Vir- The reverse was the truth, and, in support of ginia first suggested his intentions, the outlines, this idea, he would refer to the report. This rewhich he so ably drew, met his strongest prepos- port shows that our ships visit every part of the sessions. If anything from that gentleman, then, world; that there is no place to which American gave an inauspicious air to the measure he pro-enterprises does not convey our various products. posed, it was the eagerness with which he urged It is a chart of our maritime genius, extremely for an early and hasty discussion of those resolu- exhilarating to our pride, and affords the strongtions, which no member could look at, after all est argument against the assertion. It goes bethat had been said, without perceiving that they yond controversy; it is a contradiction which related to the best and largest interests of this can be understood by any man who can read. country; interests which required diligence and There is no resisting its force, when adduced to much reflection to comprehend, and which all the prove, that so far is our commerce from being conpassions and all the feelings could by no means do fined, that the most distant ports and oceans in justice to in the estimate. They were interests Russia and China, and the Pacific, are its only that required great coolness to discern, and to mea- boundaries. It completely illustrates the practisure properly. They had resulted from practice cal, as well as theoretical, independence of Ameand the nature of our situation, and they ought to rican commerce; for, of the whole amount of the be treated with respect, and innovated on with tonnage employed abroad, but sixty-two thousand caution. The restrictions contemplated a great some odd hundreds, go to Britain and its dependchange of commercial arrangements, bottomed encies; there are two hundred and twenty-seven both on presumed commercial injuries, sustained thousand tons of this total employed among other under its present regulations, and on political nations; and Britain, which formerly monopoviews, which long standing, and recent evils, had lized, indeed, our commerce, has now a little more brought into notice. than one-fifth of the navigation of the United States in her ports. It is true that three-fourths of the imports are from thence, and that our export to her is not equal to this import; but that deficiency is paid circuitously and to advantage,

He could not agree, that the commercial arrangements, at present existing, were the best that could possibly exist; nor was he insensible to the political evils we had endured, but he doubted how