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path-she, who had never before walked more tive girl; and never was lighthouse more wel. than a mile or two at any time of her life, come to tempest-tost sailor than was her own till her feet were blistered, her slight shoes Ferdinand to his lady-love. cut through, her way utterly lost. At morn Fortune, now tired of persecuting the young ing's dawn she found herself in the midst of noble, favoured him still further. The story the wild ilex-covered Apennines, and neither of the lovers interested the bandit chief, and habitation nor human being apparent.

promise of reward secured him. Ferdinand She was hungry and weary. She had persuaded Adalinda to remain one night in brought gold and jewels with her; but here the cave, and on the following morning they were no means of exchanging these for food. prepared to proceed to Naples; but at the moShe remembered stories of banditti; but none ment of their departure they were surprised could be so ruffian-like and cruel as him from by an unexpected visitant: the robbers brought whom she fled. This thought, a little rest, in a prisoner-it was the impostor. Missing and a draught of water from a pure mountain. on the morrow her who was the pledge of his spring, restored her to some portion of courage, safety and success, but assured that she could and she continued her journey. Noonday ap. not have wandered far, he despatched emissa. proached; and, in the south of Italy, the noon ries in all directions to seek her; and himself, day sun, when unclouded, even in November, joining in the pursuit, followed the road she is oppressively warm, especially to an Italian had taken, and was captured by these lawless woman, who never exposes herself to its men, who expected rich ransom from one beams. Faintness came over her. There ap- / whose appearance denoted rank and wealth. peared recesses in the mountain-side along When they discovered who their prisoner was, which she was travelling, grown over with they generously delivered him up into his brobay and arbutus: she entered one of these, ther's hands. there to repose. It was deep, and led to ano Ferdinand and Adalinda proceeded to Naples. ther that opened into a spacious cavern light. On their arrival, she presented herself to ed from above: there were dates, grapes, and Queen Caroline; and, through her, Murat a flagon of wine, on a rough hewn table. She heard with astonishment the device that had looked fearfully around, but no inhabitant ap. been practised on him. The young Count peared. She placed herself at the table, and, was restored to his honours and possessions, half in dread, ate of the food presented to her, and within a few months afterwards was united and then sat, her elbow on the table, her head to his betrothed bride. resting on her little snow-white hand; her The compassionate nature of the Count and dark hair shading her brow and clustering Countess led them to interest themselves round her throat. An appearance of languor warmly in the fate of Ludovico, whose subseand, fatigue diffused through her attitude, quent career was more honourable but less while her soft black eyes filled at intervals fortunate. At the intercession of his relative, with large tears, as pitying herself, she recur Gioacchino permitted him to enter the army, red to the cruel circumstances of her lot.. where he distinguished himself, and obtained Her fanciful but elegant dress, her feminine promotion. The brothers were at Moscow to. form, her beauty and her grace, as she sat gether, and mutually assisted each other durpensive and alone in the rough unhewn cavern, ing the horrors of the retreat. At one time formed a picture a poet would describe with overcome by drowsiness, the mortal symptom delight, an artist love to paint.

resulting from excessive cold, Ferdinand lin. “She seemed a being of another world; a gered behind his comrades; but Ludovico reseraphs, all light and beauty; a Ganymede, fusing to leave him, dragged him on in spite escaped from his thrall above to his natal Ida. of himself, till, entering a village, food and fire It was long before I recognised, looking down restored him, and his life was saved. On another on her from the opening hill, my lost Adalin- evening, when wind and sleet added to the da." Thus spoke the young Count Eboli, horror of their situation, Ludovico, after many when he related this story; for its end was as ineffectual struggles, slid from his horse liferomantic as its commencement.

less; Ferdinand was at his side, and, disWhen Ferdinando had arrived a galley-slave mounting, endeavoured by every means in his in Calabria, he found himself coupled with a power to bring back pulsation io his stagnant bandit, a brave fellow, who abhorred his chains, blood. His comrades went forward, and the from love of freedom, as much as his fellows young Count was left alone with his dying prisoner did, from all the combination of dis brother in the wide boundless waste. Once grace and misery they brought upon himn. Ludovico opened his eyes and recognised him; Together they devised a plan of escape, and he pressed his hand, and his lips moved to succeeded in effecting it. On their road, Fer utter a blessing as he died. At that moment dinand related his story to the outlaw, who

the welcome sounds of the enemy's approach encouraged him to hope a favourable turn of roused Ferdinand from the despair into which fate; and meanwhile invited and persuaded his dreadful situation plunged him. He was the desperate man to share his fortunes as a taken prisoner, and his life was thus saved. robber among the wild hills of Calabria. When Napoleon went to Elba, he, with many

The cavern where Adalinda had taken re- | others of his countrymen, was liberated, and fuge was one of their fastnesses, whither they returned to Naples. betook themselves at periods of imminent danger for safety only, as no booty could be collected in that unpeopled solitude; and there, one afternoon, returning from the chase, they found the wandering, fearful, solitary, fugi.

From the Foreign Quarterly Review. He thought the additional information contaio.

ed in those parts of it, which Sir J. Dalrymple FRENCH HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH

had omitted to extract, or to publish, so impor. REVOLUTION.*

tant, that he procured copies of them all. He in the year 1736, Hume published the se observed to one of his correspondents, My cond volume of his History of England, con studies at Paris, have been useful beyond wbat taining the period from the death of Charles I. I can describe ;' and his expression to me was, to the Revolution. At that time he had access • Barillon's letters were worth their weight in only to such materials as the Library of the gold.'”—Preface, p. xxxiv. Faculty of Advocates at Edinburgh afforded. The copies thus made by Mr. Fox, are print. A selection from the correspondence of Da- ed (so far as the period of his history extends) vaux, the ambassador of France to the States, at the end of his work, and from the expres. had indeed lately been published, of which the sions used by Lord Holland, we should have historian availed himself; but he was ignorant supposed, that this formed a complete collecof those invaluable stores of historical informa tion of the correspondence during this period. tion which existed at Paris, in the archives of The researches of M. Mazure have shown that the Scotch College, and in the Dépôt des Af- this is not the case.* faires Etrangères. On his subsequent visit to At length a native of France has undertaken that metropolis, be appears to have seen,t and the task of illustrating from original sources, to have been delighted with some important the most important and interesting period of manuscript nemoirs, preserved in the Scotch our national history. On an examination of College, consisting of original papers in the the mass of original documents which the arhand-writing of James II., and of a more for chives of France contained relative to this great inal narrative, apparently drawn up by somo Revolution, M. Mazure discovered so much person under the directions of James or his son. that had been overlooked by other historians,

These papers had also been previously ex that he resolved to give to the world the Hisamined by Carte the historian, who made con tory now before us a work highly creditable siderable extracts fron them, which afterwards to his industry and talents, and which certainly fell into the hands of Mr. Macpherson, who forms by far the best narrative of those great himself visited Paris, for the purpose of examin events which are still, " in our flowing cups ing the original documents. The extracts freshly remembered.” In the composition of were printed by him in his Original Papers, this history, the author has not only availed and are there said to be copied from the Me himself of the correspondence of Barillon, but moirs in James's own hand. It seems certain, has made much use of the other state papers however, that those extracts were made froin which the archives of Paris contain, relative to the formal narrativo, and not from the original the reign of James II. He has also, of course, documents. The latter, at the time of the consulted “ The Life of James II." of which French Revolution, were lost, but the narra we have given some account. No previous tive was preserved, and forms the Life of writer, therefore, has possessed materials so James II." published by the Rev. J. S. Clarke, copious, so authentic, and so valuable as those in pursuance of the desire of His Majesty, then which M. Mazure has had the good fortune to Prince Regent, into whose possession the ori-command; and it is no slight commendation to ginal MSS. had come. Of the value of this

say, that he has displayed both candour and publication it is unnecessary to speak; all who | judgment in the use of these valuable materials. are versed in English history know how to ap The greater part of M. Mazure's first volume, preciate it. Nor does this work form the only is devoted to the reign of Charles II.—a narraaddition to the materials for a history of the tive essentially necessary to the correct udRevolution, which has been made since the derstanding of the subsequent portion of his time of Hume. Sir John Dalrymple, with history. But as this part of the work is more in great industry collected in the appendix to his the nature of a sketch, we shall pass at once to History, a large and most important correspon. the commencement of the reign of James II., dence relating to the political transactions of being guided in the observations and extracts that period, and amongst the rest, gave many which we shall make, by that which we conof the letters of Barillon, the French ambassador at St. James's, to his court. The impor. * " Mr. Fox went somewhat further; but he tance of the latter induced Mr. Fox, when en abandoned his researches to copyists, or meregaged on his History of the Reign of James II. ly indicated them by a pencil mark: it was not to make a strenuous exertion to procure the therefore difficult to find what he had not even whole of that correspondence. Accordingly, suspected.”Preface, p. ix. We have been at on the restoration of peace in 1802, he visited the trouble of examining the omissions in BarilParis, and passed a great part of every morning lon's correspondence, as published in the apin the Dépot des Affaires Etrangères, accoin pendix to Mr. Fox's History, so far as we can panied by his friends, Lord St. John, Mr. Adair gather them from Mazure's references. There and Mr. Trotter, who assisted him in transcrib are wanting, 1. a letter giving an account of ing the original papers.

the battle of Sedgemore, (.Mazure, vol. i. p. “ The correspondence of Barillon," says Lord | 479.); 2. two letters of 23 and 26th July, 1685, Holland,“ did not disappoint his expectations. giving an account of Monmouth's interview

with the king, (Mazure, vol ii. p. 7.); 3. a let. * Histoire de la Révolution de 1688, en An ter of the 30 July, also relating to Monmouth, gleterre. Par F. A. J. Mazure, Inspecteur (Ib. p. 10.); 4. a letter of 30th August, relating Général des Etudes. 3 vols. 8vo. Paris. 1825. to the policy of James towards the states, (16 + See Dugald Stewart's Life of Robertson. p. 39.) There are probably other omissions.


ceive to be the peculiar value of the work be tailed to him by Barillon, on the 18th of Fe. fore us, viz. the information which M. Mazure bruary, 1684, only two days after his brother's has derived from his researches into the impor.death. He then told him that he had detertant documents, preserved in the archives of mined to call a Parliament immediately, withParis and St. Germain's.

out which it would be difficult for him to mainWhen James II. left the chamber of his dead tain himself in the possession of the revenues, brother, there was not in Christendom a more which had legally ceased on the death of the powerful prince than himself. The undisputed late king, and that this measure would not presuccessor to a splendid and now tranquil throne, vent him, if circumstances admitted it, either the sovereign of a people, who in wealth as from putting off the meeting of Parliament, or well as in valour, vied with the first nations of from adopting such other means as might apEurope, he held the balance in which the great pear more convenient. He added, that had he powers of the civilized world were weighed delayed to summon a Parliament, the opposiagainst each other. Hitherto his life had been tion of the people might have compelled bim full of vicissitudes, but the diadem which at to levy the customs by force, instead of which length encircled his brows, seemed also to he should now pretend to have the law in his have crowned his fortunes. The murmurs of favour, and it would be very easy to reduce those who had attempted to exclude him from those who opposed him. Desirous of strength. his inberitance were no longer heard; the prin: ening James in these good resolutions, Louis ciples which had led the virtue of Russel, and hastened to afford him the pecuniary assistance the bravery of Sidney to the block seemed ex which he so importunately craved, and bills of linguished, and even the enthusiasts who had exchange for the sum of 500,000 livres were made Oates their apostle, did not venture lo ex transmitted to Barillon. The manner in which press their abhorrence of the royal papist. Un. the king received the intelligence of this inean der these auspicious circumstances did James subsidy is thus related by the ambassador, and ascend his throne, the foundations of which it furnishes a striking and memorable picture of seemed almost impossible for him to shake. But the real servility and baseness of those who afthe objects upon which, from the commence fect to be tyrants. ment of his reign, his whole affections were fix The king was extremely surprised, and ed, were precisely those which were calculated said to me, with tears in his eyes, No one but to destroy him. He selected the only two courses the king your master could act in so noble a which could have led to his ruin-the establish manner, and so full of kindness to me; I con. ment of the Catholic faith, and of absolute fess to you that I feel more sensibly what he power. It is possible that either of those dan has done on this occasion, than any thing which gerous projects, if separately attempted, might can happen to me during the rest of my life; have been achieved; but the union of them for I see clearly the bottom of his heart, and was fatal. It has been the subject of much how desirous he is that my affairs should pros. grave argument amongst our historians, whe. per; he has met all my wishes and anticipated ther bigotry or tyranny, was James's prevailing all my wants; I can never be sufficiently grateincentive; but it would be just as reasonable sul for such a mode of proceeding; testify my to inquire, whether it be her form or her for gratitude to him, and be a guarantee of the at. tune, which attracts the lover to his rich and tachment which I shall feel towards him during beautiful mistress. It is a task of no ordinary the whole of my life.'” difficulty to analyze the motives by which men The temper of the Parliament seemed at are actuated, and the only conclusion at which first to be altogether such as James desired. we can arrive is, that James devoted himself They displayed a degree of subserviency to his most passionately to the attainment of both his wishes which might have satisfied the appetite favourite objects.

of any ordinary monarch, and it was only when His first care upon his accession, was to se the subject of religion arose, that they showed cure the countenance and assistance of Louis the least disposition to thwart the royal will, XIV. The sovereign who revoked the edict of Notice whatever was taken of the illegal meaNantes, was a fitting ally for him who author. sures which had been pursued with regard to ized the cruelties of the Scottish Privy Council. the levying of the customs after the death of Two days after the death of his brother, James the late king, and so far were the Commons took Barillou, the French ambassador, to His from resenting this outrage upon their first and closet, and explained to him the whole of the most valuable privilege, that they immediately unconstitutional scheme which he had resolved proceeded to bestow upon the king a far more to carry into effect. He was to display a wise magnificent revenue than any of his predeces. and magnanimous forgetfulness of injuries; he sors bad yet enjoyed. was to summon a Parliament without delay; The revenue being thus secured by law, on he was to affect a respect for the laws: but a footing so liberal as to render all further apthe real object of all these fair and specious plications for the parsimonious supplies of the promises was, without scruple, declared to the French king unnecessary and inexcusable, and agent of the French king. It is in this view the parliament displaying a devotion to his that the correspondence of Barillon is so truly | wishes which mighi have led James to hope valuable, and that in resorting to the archives for the final accomplishment of all his designs, of his own nation, M. Mazure may be said to what more could he desire? It is difficuli to have reached the fountain-head of the history credit the fact, but the testimony of Barillon of these times.

cannot be doubted, he longed for a rebellion ! The motives which actuated James in call. The letter of the French ambassador, mentioning together the representatives of the people ing this singular aspiration, is not given by Mr. immediately after his accession, were fully de- Fox, and Mi. Mazure is the first historian by

whom it has been noticed. The detestable and introduced them into the privy council. desire was gratified, in the insurrection of Ar By degrees the commissions in the army were Eyle in Scotland, and that of Monmouth in filled up with their names; while every endeaEngland. Of these transactions M. Mazure vour was made, by promises and menaces, to has

given a clear and succinct relation, in which obtain from Parliament an abolition of the test he has made use of a letter of Barillon, omitted laws. The progress of the design is well traced by Mr. Fox, relating to the interview of the by M. Mazure, who has fully explained the duke with the king, and his demeanour on that part taken by the French king in these schemes, occasion. In consequence of a letter addressed and the motives by which he was actuated. to lim by Monmouth, James resolved to admit With regard to the ultimate objects of James the duke to his presence; une chose," says himself, there is little doubt that he looked not Barillon, "bien extraordinaire et fort opposée merely to the toleration of the Catholic faith, à l'usage des autres nations." To this it may but to its supremacy in this country. With be added, that it was equally opposed to the what circumstances of persecution towards the usages of this country, which forbid the sove professors of a different faith such a supremareign from calling to his presence, unless for cy would have been accompanied at that time, the purposes of mercy, the sufferer whom the

may be well imagined, when the stern charac law has devoted to death. The old and merci. ter of the monarch himself and the furious biful distich,

gotry of his nearest advisers are considered. “A king's face

The recent persecutions of the Protestants in Should show grace,"

France afforded an example which James

would doubtless have followed, the moinent was forgotten by James-the uncle beheld his he found that he might with safety adopt such weeping nephew without pity, and the sove a course, an assertion for which we have the reign his repentant subject without pardon. It authority of Barillon : "On feroit ici," he obis a fact related by Barillon, which does not, serves in a despatch to Louis," ce qui se fait we believe, appear in the other narratives of en France, si l'on pouvoit espérer de reussir.“ this interview, that Monmouth was ushered | -(vol. ii. p. 127.) Anongst other schemes into the presence with his arms bound behind suggested to the king by the more zealous Ca. him, but with his hands free; a fact, which if tholics, was that of converting the Princess correct, and there is no reason to doubt its cor Anne to the faith of Rome: and of altering rectness, betrays the cowardice as well as the the succession in her favour. This design was cruelty of the king. The account which is contemplated so early as the month of March, preserved in the Memoirs of James II., taken 1685, as appears from a letter of Barillon to his from his own papers, is in itself sufficiently re master, dated on the 12th of that month, overvolting, but with the addition of the circum looked by Mr. Fox, and unknown to other his. stances mentioned by Barillon, it presents a torians.-(vol. i. p. 417.) or the intemperato picture of the darkest colours. “When the zeal with which James followed up his designs, Duke of Monmouth," say the Memoirs, “ was some other instances are given in the volumes brought before the king, he fell upon his knces, before us, unnoticed by our own native writers. crawling upon them to embrace those of His The king had promoted by every means in his Majesty, and forgetting the character of a hero, power the establishment of chapels for the use which he had so long pretended to, behaved of the Catholics. Encouraged by the favour himself with the greatest meanness and abjec-shown at court to these establishments, the tion imaginable, omitting no humiliation or minister of the Elector Palatine, an English pretence of sorrow or repentance to move the Catholic, began to build a chapel of his own in king to compassion and mercy.” Of what ma

the city. This attempt immediately attracted terials must the heart of that man have been the attention of the Lord Mayor, who, accommade, who could first witness such a spectacle, panied by the sheriffs, visited the new building, and then record it!

and forbade the workmen to continue their laSo far, politically speaking, the wish ex bours. The Elector Palatine himself, being pressed by James for a rebellion seemed to informed of the opposition made to his agent's have been founded in what statesmen call wis- proceedings, addressed a letter to the king, dom. The blood of Monmouth and of Argyle stating that he was unwilling to be the cause had cemented the edifice of his power. But the feelings of aversion and distrust which

of any popular disturbance, and that he had

commanded his minister to build the chapel in misgovernment could not awaken in the minds of the people, were roused at once by the voice

a place less exposed to public observation of zeal and bigotry. in his address to the

Mais le roi,” says Barillon," se moqua de la

lettre de l'Electeur, comme indigne d'un prince council immediately after the death of his bro- Catholique, et fit continuer les travaux.". The ther, and in his speech on the opening of par consequence naturally was, that the opening of liament, James had solemnly promised to protect and support the church of England. The

the chapel occasioned a formidable riot. Ana clergy exulted at this declaration, they had the

ther instance of the king's want of discretion

occurred about the same time. The French word of a king, " a word never yet broken," ambassador had represented to him that a seand in this they placed the most implicit faith. ditious pamphlet, injurious to the reputation of The mode in which James proceeded to redeem the pledge thus solemnly given was sin. try, and intreated that it might be ordered to

his master, had been introduced into this coun. gular. At first he contented himself with the be burnt by the hangman. The matter was pen exercise of his religion in the royal cha- debated in council, and even Jefferies submit

slic faith in places of trust about his person, 1 extraordinary to burn a work written in French

are not

and printed in Holland, containing nothing in pressed himself in terms of great satisfaction jurious to England. In answer to this remon. with this ceremony, to the French ambassador. strance the king made use of a popular figure · The king, your master,' said he to Barillon, of speech, which, as M. Mazure observes, " it will doubtless teel great pleasure on hearing would be difficult to express with any dignity." that a Catholic prelate has been publicly con

Dogs defend each other, when one of them secrated at my court;' and on quitting him, ho is attacked. Kings ought to do as much. I added, "You see that I omit nothing in my have other reasons for not suffering a libel of power. I hope that the king your master will this kind against the king of France.'

assist me, and that we shall in concert do great No answer was made to this, “but,” adds things for religion.'”-vol. ii. p. 239. Barillon, “ some persons were desirous of stat. It cannot be alleged in excuse of James that ing, that as the book in question was princi- he was not aware of the fatal consequences of pally directed against the revocation of the his measures. He early foresaw and prepared Edict of Nantes, it would give the king's ene. for the struggle into which he knew that his mies the power of saying that he approved of outraged subjects must be plunged. Some sinthe persecution of the Protestants." " No- gular proofs of this fact are given by M. Mathing," continues the ambassador, " has pro- zure, drawn from the correspondence of Baril. duced so great an impression since the king lon and Bonrepaus, and unknown to our own came to the throne." The conduct of the historians. Besides making preparations for French monarch on this occasion was curious. war in Ireland, (of which we shall speak herely contrasted with that of our own sovereign. after,) James had early in 1687 begun to torti. He blamed the officious zeal which had led Ba- fy Portsmouth, from an evident apprehension rillon to demand the suppression of the libel in of civil disturbances. During the king's proEngland, and exhibited a good sense on the gress into the west, in which Bonrepaus, the subject well worthy of the imitation of later French envoy, accompanied him, the royal monarchs.

party visited Portsmouth, and on the envoy ex" I desire," said he to his ambassador," that pressing his admiration of the manner in you will take no step to procure this piece to which the town was fortified, and of the impos. be burnt, or to prevent its being translated into sibility of annoying it from the seaEnglish. Books of this kind usually lose their The precautions,” said the king, credit from the little attention paid to them, and against the bombs which may be discharged are only sought after in consequence of the from the sea, but entirely against the land side ; pains taken to suppress them."

and it is my firm intention to put the fortificaNot only did James outstrip the French king tions of Portsmouth in such a state that I shall in zeal, but displayed a greater eagerness to have no apprehension of being insulted in it." promote the Catholic faith than even the Holy Bonrepaus adds, that in all conversations See itselt. He had long been desirous that which had taken place between the king and Count D'Adda, the Pope's Nuncio, a young himself, he perceived that James had no intenman who had before resided at the English tion of employing his navy, and that, on the court in a secular capacity, should assume bis contrary, in all his proceedings his object was ecclesiastical habit; but the Nuncio, having to fortify himself on land against his subjects. & regard at once to his safety and to his ap. (Mazuré, vol. ii. p. 283.) It should not be for. pearance, for some time resisted the king's gotten that this letter of the French envoy was pious importunities. At length James, who written before the trial of the Seven Bishops, thought it somewhat scandalous that the Em and before the people manifested any of thoso peror of Morocco should have an envoy pub indubitable signs of resistance which might licly accredited at his court, while the Head of have justified such a jealousy. all Christendom was not permitted to send any The policy pursued by James with regard to ostensible representative, prevailed upon the Ireland is fully developed in the correspon. Nuncio to be consecrated archbishop in parti. dence of the French ministers. From the combus of Amasia, at the chapel of St. James's, and mencement of his reign he had employed him. to make a public entry into Windsor. The self in putting that island into such a state, king afterwards found, as he tells us in his Me that, should he be driven from his English domimoirs, that it would have been more prudent to nions, he might find a refuge amongst his have waived “this outward ostentation;" but Irish subjects. Of this fact, an incontestable despising the consequences, he resolved that proof remains in the French archives, in the the ceremony should be performed with all due shape of a report on the military strength of solemnity. M. Mazure' has given a curious that country made by Lord Dartmouth, who account of this transaction from the letters of received a commission for that purpose from Barillon.

the king " The ceremony was publicly performed “To complete what relates to Ireland,” amidst a concourse of English of all persua says our author," James II., at the very begin. xions. At night after supper, the Nuncio made ning of his reign, had a survey made of all the his appearance in the queen's apartments in military fortifications of that island by Lord his episcopal dress. The king and queen went Dartmouth, Master-general of the Ordnance. upon their knees to him. • This,' says Baril. His report, which is now before us, proves the lon in a note in cypher,' gave great surprise existence of an express plan of wresting the preto many persons who have never seen other ponderance from the English, and of establishmonarchs' ask for the Nuncio's benediction. ing in Ireland a system of defence for a hypoHis Britannic majesty remarked this, and said thesis which was afterwards realized; namely, that it was not as nuncio but as archbishop that the necessity of the king's taking refuge bis benediction was required.' James II. ex amongst the Irish Catholics. The same plan

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