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Jan. 14, 1836.]
have a balance against him, it is for him (said Mr. B.) mixed satisfaction (said Mr. P.) if a great many obserand not for me to do so. I do not treasure up old vations which preceded this declaration had not tended, things, to be brought out afterwards. The gentleman unintentionally no doubt, to produce feelings quite ada had now made an affirmation contradicting what I have verse, as I consider, to the conclusion he came to. Notsaid; but I tell the gentleman (said Mr. B.) that I withstanding, however, the impression which these obserknow his affirmation to contain precisely as much truth vations are calculated to make, I take this opportunity now, as I believed that his denial did then.
(said Mr. P.) to say that I, too, consider there is no : The CHAIR (occupied pro tem. by Mr. KinG) said just canse to apprehend a war; that I have undiminished he was not aware that any personal allusion to the and full confidence that the good sense and enlightened Senator from Missouri had been made by the Sena- | views of two of the freest people on earth will yet tor from Maryland, or he should have called him to avert an unprofitable, unnecessary, and most afflicting order. The remarks of the Senator from Missouri contest. were out of order.
The honorable Senator, sir, has read from a French Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH rose to speak.
journal, I believe, remarks there stated to have fallen The CHAIR. Order! The Senator from Maryland will from a member of the Chamber of Deputies, speaking not be permitted to proceed.
in his place, in that body, in which this country, and its Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH. Am I not permitted to reply, conduct in relation to the present difficulty with France, in order, to that which has been asserted out of order? are spoken of in unkind terms. Sir, I consider this ref.
The CHAIR. No; the Chair cannot permit another erence wholly unwise, and am unable to see any possible word on the subject from either of the gentlemen. good which can result from bringing it before the Amer.
Mr. PORTER, of Louisiana, said that he could not but ican people. It may excite irritation here; it can do feel, in common with every Senator, pain at the excite- nothing more. It neither enlightens our judgment in ment which the debate had given rise to. It was, how- regard to the true state of feeling in France towards the ever, in some respects, unavoidable. If grave charges, United States, nor furnishes any fact which should in affecting the patriotism and the obligations of duty the slightest degree influence us in any conclusions to which we all owed to the country, fell from such a high which we, as statesmen, might come, or ought to come, place as this, it was not surprising that it excited sensi on the matter. No doubt (said Mr. P.) there are in bility and produced warmth. Those who could sit by France, as there are here, and in every country on earth, and listen calmly to such an accusation were not worthy men of uneasy temper and irritable feelings-men who of sitting here at afl. If the majority felt jealous of dis- delight in strife and confusion, and sicken when they charging their duty honestly, faithfully, and patriotically, see good-will and peace prevail, either among individuals to the republic, they could not but be deeply sensible or nations. Interested motives there, as well as here, to imputations which, if true, showed that they had not may prompt persons to fan the flame of discord, and the been patriotic, faithful, or honest. I (said Mr. P.) be- fierceness of political opposition may occasion men to lieve that, on the occasion alluded to, as in all others, urge in debate what in their calm moments they would the Senate will be found not to have been wanting to regret and disavow. the constitution; and, as one generally acting with that With this knowledge, sir, (said Mr. P.,) how can we majority here, I rejoice that an opportunity is at last draw the conclusion that the sentiments of the individual afforded us to vindicate our claims to public confidence, in question are those of the French people? On what and place the true state of this matter fairly before the a slender thread would hang the peace and happiness of American people. I feel, sir, quite confident that, al- nations, if every rash and intemperate man in those nathough party feeling may for a moment induce them to tions could, by violent denunciation and unjust invective, give an unwilling ear to truth, and party management break the ties of peace which unite them. The indimay for a short period prevent that truth from reaching vidual referred to was but one in a body composed of, them, sooner or later it will vindicate its claims to obe. I believe, (said Mr. P.,) more than four hundred. There dience, and undeceive them. A most extraordinary de- is no pretence for believing that he spoke the sentiments lusion (said Mr. P.) has indeed possessed a portion of of either the French Government or the French people. the public on this matter, and it was high time it should I should, sir, if I wished to instruct the American peobe removed. The Senator from Missouri, if his remarks ple, if I desired them to know what were the sentiments were suffered to pass unanswered, would contribute to of France towards this country, I would refer, not to spread wider and fix deeper that delusion. Claiming as the angry declamation of a member of the Chamber of Ido (said Mr. P.) full credit for truth and perfect sin- . Deputies, but to the declarations of the King, who repcerity of purpose, I ascribe no other motive to the hon resents the people, and who, until the contrary is orable Senator. He has, no doubt, presented truly to proved, I am bound to believe, and I do believe, speaks the Senate those impressions which the transaction he the true sentiments of that people. I have been unable has introduced into his remarks have made on his mind, to discover, in any thing which has fallen from him, the and I can make full allowance for the influence of feel- slightest ground for believing that he entertains any unings which no one, in these heated times, is entirely free kind feeling towards us. Quite the reverse, I trust. He from. But while (said Mr. P.) I cheerfully make this still remembers the generous hospitality with which he, admission, I am constrained to tell him that i listened to in common with every unfortunate man, is received on the his observations with the most unfeigned regret. I con shores of this asylum of mankind, and would regret that sider bis views radically wrong, and the facts belonging the evening of his life was destined to see him placed in to the transaction erroneously understood, and most in. a situation where other sentiments and other feelings, correctly presented by him to the Senate.
under national hostility, might take the place of those he To one part of the honorable Senator's remarks I am now entertains. It is true, sir, that I have heard his sin. glad to give my entire approbation. He told us, near cerity doubted in regard to the gentle language which ly toward the close of them, that, in relation to our pres- he has uniformly practised towards us; but it is obvious ent dispute with France, he trusted and believed all that this accusation just applies with the same force to any present appearance of war would fail, and that he meant other person connected with the Government, who uses to alarm no one. Sir, (said Mr. P.,) this is most consolato- language of a different kind. Sir, (said Mr. P.,} I desire ry, considering the relation in which the honorable Sena not to be misunderstood. I do not now enterinto the questor is known to stand to the present administration. But, tion, whether the conduct of France has been just or sir, I should have heard these remarks with more un wise in relation to this unfortunate matter. Many con
[Jan. 14, 1836.
siderations enter into the examination of that topic, which Sir, (said Mr. P.,) I am surprised that it did not I shall not touch, because this is not the proper time occur to the honorable Senator that a rational motive to discuss them. But when extracts are read here, from could be found for such a movement of the French mathe French papers, which have a tendency to show not rine, at this moment, quite different from that of hostile merely that France has done us wrong by withholding aggression. It is known to us all, and it is well known the payment of money which she most justly owes, but to the French Government, that the President of the that an angry and hostile feeling pervades her people United States, at the last session of the twenty-third and their councils in regard to us, I desire to disabuse Congress, in his annual message, did specially recomthe public mind of such an impression, because my sin-mend that reprisals should be resorted to by the United cere, and therefore honest, conviction is, that no such States, in case the Government of France longer delayed feeling exists there ivi relation to the American people. to render us that justice which, by ber treaty, she should
Another subject (said Mr. P.) which occupied a prom ere this have rendered. And it was equally well known inent part of the honorable Senator's speech related to to her that Congress did not negative such a course of the expected appearance of a French fleet on our coast. action. It merely delayed acting on the recommenda. The idea was conveyed strongly, by the tenor of the hon. tion. The unfortunate misconceptions and misunderorable Senator's remarks, that it came here by way of standings which have since prevailed between the two menace, and he emphatically said, we are voting under countries having induced our representative at Paris to the guns of France. Agreeing, as I perfectly do, (said withdraw, the Government of France, no doubt, feared Mr. P.,) in the truth of the honorable Senator's declara. that measures formerly recommended might be at once tion, that, since the commencement of this unfortunate resorted to by the United States to compel the payment misunderstanding with France, he has never said an un. of the sum, and knew that, in that event, her West Inkind word on this floor in regard to her, and professing dia possessions were most vulnerable to the blow. It is not to doubt the sincerity of his assertion that he had no not, therefore, at all surprising that she should resort to wish to excite any irritation on this subject, I cannot this precautionary measure; that she should endeavor to help remarking that nothing could be imagined more guard distant possessions against the sudden movements unfortunate for his purpose than the introduction of this of a country which is, relatively, much nearer to them topic. If any thing (said Mr. P.) more distinguishes than she is. the people of this republic from that of any other coun. I am happy, however, to be able to give the Senator try, it is their pride-a pride springing from the com. from Missouri information on the subject which will, i bined influence of the recollection of their ancestors, trust, effectually dissipate from his mind, and from any their settlement here, their own history since, and the mind in the nation, all apprehension that we are about glorious freedom which they now enjoy.
to sustain any aggression from France. Since I came It is to appeal to them, therefore, on the ground into the Senate chamber this morning, there has been which, of all others, they are the most sensitive, to tell put into my hands a newspaper, containing an extract them, or to induce them to believe, that this movement from the Moniteur, printed at Paris--a gazette which of the French armament was intended to awe or impose the honorable Senator knows is the recognised official on them. Sir, I do not believe (said Mr. P.) that peace organ of the French Government. In that paper I decould be preserved in this country six months, if its citi- light to see it distinctly averred that France will not be zens were once imbued with the notion that France, or the aggressors in this quarrel; that the armament is any other country on earth, imagined that it could influ- purely defensive; and that she entertains strong hopes ence their judgment through their fears. And I rejoice that amicable relations may yet be preserved between (said Mr. P.) that it is so. Long may they preserve the two countries. In answer to some of the journals such a spiritand may they ever spurn at the idea that in the interest of Charles X., who are anxious to involve any appeal can be made to them by the stranger, except this country and France in war, because they hate the to their reason, their magnanimity, and their sense of institutions which prevail in both, the official organ of justice. But this feeling, which is so honorable, is, at the Government thus indignantly states: the same time, one which, like all other strong passions, “ It is false that the communication made by order of readily leads to error. It should, therefore, never be the French Government to that of the United States had touched, unless we are perfectly convinced we have a for its object to obtain the insertion of such and such solid reason for doing so. Mr. President, (said Mr. P.,) phrases in the next message of the President. The I do not think any such reasons exist in this case. In French Government did no more than make known offithe first place, sir, the honorable gentleman did not pro. cially the existence and the tenor of the law of June 17, fess to have any further information as to the direction 1835, as well as the duties imposed on it by this law, of that armament than ahat which is accessible to every and the nature of the explanations which it had a right member on this floor, nameiy, that which is derived to expect. from the newspapers. Sir, (said Mr. P.,) I have been "It is false that the communication made by order of unable to see any thing in them which gives the slight- the French Government remained without an answer. est countenance to the idea that the French fleet were This was verbal, as had been the communication. destined for our coast, unless the West Indies, indeed, “of the same kind were those which took place at make a part of the coast of the United States. All the Paris between the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the intelligence which has reached us lately from Europe chargé de affaires of the United States. The docuon this subject distinctly informs us that ihe naval arma ments relative to these conferences will be laid on the ment now fitting out in the ports of France is destined, tables of the two Chambers. If it has been impossible not for our coast, but for the West Indies. It is plainly to come to an understanding, nothing has passed, at least, stated, in every newspaper that I have seen, that its des of a nature to render more grave the differences betination is to the French dependencies in that quarter tween the two countries. of the globe, to Guadaloupe and Martinique. The order “Nevertheless, the recall of the American chargé de of the Marine Department in France indicates that such affaires, coming after the measures proposed by the a direction is given to it. I think, therefore, sir, the President last year to Congress, hostile to French prop. honorable Senator may quiet all his fears on this subject. erty, has rendered some precautions necessary. It was Certainly nothing can be inferred from its designation, the duty of the French Government, under such cir. which can justify any alarm—the cruising place assigned cumstances, to be prepared, at all events, to protect to it is not in our seas.
French interests. Such is the aim of the armaments
Jan. 14, 1836.)
equipping in our ports—an aim purely defensive. him, and was abandoned under circumstances which There exists, at this moment, no legitimate cause of take away all ground for imputing its failure to become war between France and the United States, and in no a law to any action of the Senate, the Senator from Mis. case shall the aggression come in the first instance from souri has, as I understand him, given up that part of the France.”
accusation. If he will bestow some of his attention on Sir, I rejoice to see this. It is conformable to wbat me, (said Mr. P.,) I think I will satisfy him that he will we have a right to expect, and to the position of that be compelled to surrender all the rest. country in this unfortunate dispute. If she entertained And first, sir, before we proceed to the point, (said for one moment the idea of war, because we were com Mr. P.,) I wish the issue which I now make with the plaining of the injuries we sustained by the long-delay- honorable Senator to be clearly understood. I undered payment of a just debt, I sliould say that she had éf. take, then, to say that it was not the fault of the Sen. faced all claim to our respect and our regard. And ate that the fortifications of the country were not last yet, sir, (said Mr. P.,) even in the bitterness which year put in defence. I assert distinctly that every thing such a conduct would not fail to engender, there would which patriotism could suggest, under their views of be times, and those not unfrequent, when each party duty, was done by them to get the fortification bill: would feel that their position was not a natural one. passed. I say that it was not lost in the Senate. I asOld friendship and old sympathies would, in spite of all sert that it was passed there, and returned to the House the passions war excites, rise in their breasts. Neither for its action; and I say it was lost in the House of Repo could he forget those days, nor those associations, when resentatives; lost by the conduct of that body, without the gallant nobles of France and the intrepid freemen precedent in the history of this Government. of the new world battled side by side, on the same The doings and misdoings (said Mr. P.) of the 23d field, for the same cause.
Congress are now as much matter of history as the affairs They could not, if they would, obliterate the re of Greece and Rome are. Still it is my desire to speak membrance of the time when their risk was common, of a Legislature of which I formed a part with all the their exertions common, and their glory common; each, respect and gentleness which is consistent with a frank I should think, (said Mr. P.,) would look with anxiety exposition of truth. With this feeling, sir, I proceed to to the day when they could lay down those weapons disclose to the American people the extraordinary cirwhich each can well wield, and embrace once more as cumstances which prevented the passage of the fortificafriends.
tion bill. I enter not (said Mr. P.) into the question whether, So far, sir, (said Mr. P.,) from the Senate having refu. dear as these recollections must be, they may not be sed or neglected to pass all the specific appropriations sacrificed to the sterner claims which each may suppose which were presented to it by the House of Representa. they owe to their country. And I express no opinion tives, for the use of the fortifications, they not only kow near or how distant we are now to that sacrifice. passed them, but they passed them with amendments, All I wish to enforce is, that questions of this kind can- by which large additions were made to these approprianot be examined too calmly, and that every thing which tions. Sir, (said Mr. P.,) I do not wish to fatigue the is irritating, and extraneous, and collateral to the main Senate with going through all the items which compose question, should be studiously put aside from our con the amendments made by the Senate; it would be too sideration. War! (said Mr. P.,) with the fearful pas. tedious to do so. I now speak for the bill itself, as it sions it excites, the crimes it produces, the enduring passed this body. It is at this moment under my eye. miseries it inflicts, is a sad affair, and those on whom And I learn from it that the bill which reached the the responsibility of making it rests cannot be too cau Senate on the 7th day of February, from the House of tious. Any one who compares Europe for the last Representatives, appropriated only the sum of $439,000 twenty years with the twenty years which preceded to this portion of the national defence. What, sir, wag them, and sees how vastly the balance in the sum of hu- the conduct of this body, which is now charged with man happiness preponderates in favor of the period first neglecting the defence of the country? Why, sir, to mentioned, may take lessons on this head in the best of approve of the appropriation made in it; and, after all schools--that of experience.
consultation with the heads of Departments, send it to But, sir, (said Mr. P.,) though I have thought it ne. the House of Representatives seven days before the cessary to say something in reply to the observations of adjournment. What, sir, was the conduct of that body, the honorable Senator on the points which I have just which it appears was, according to the honorable Senanoticed, still had this been all which fell from the hontor, so much alive to the true interests and honor of the orable Senator, I should not have mingled in this de country? Why, sir, this: to keep it nearly the whole of bate. But, sir, the honorable Senator thought proper these seven days without action, and to return it to us to say that the failure to put the country in a state of seven hours before the termination of Congress, with an defence against foreign aggression was owing to the amendment placing three millions of dollars at the conduct of the Senate last winter in refusing to concur disposal of the Executive! in the proposition of the House of Representatives, to
Sir, (said Mr. P.,) the Senate found itself placed, by · put the sum of three millions into the hands of the Ex: this extraordinary step on the part of the House, in a ecutive. Never in my life, sir, did I hear any thing position at once singular and difficult.
The unusual which gave me more surprise. I shall examine, before course adopted would, if any other sentiment but that I sit down, on what foundation that assertion rests. of respect for a co-ordinate branch of the Government But before I do, I must refer to another assertion of the could have found place in our minds, have suggested honorable Senator, which startled me still more. He the suspicion that the late period at which such a measure said that this was not all; that there was a much larger was introduced, and the annexing to it the fortification account for which we were responsible: that all the bill, which the wants of the country required action on, specific appropriations contained in the fortification bill was intended to coerce them into a vote in favor of it, were lost by the conduct of the Senate; and he pro
or to enable those opposed to the majority here to charge ceeded to enumerate them, including, among others, a
them with neglecting the true interests of the country. proposition of the Military Committee to apply the sum
Little time was left us, sir, for consultation; there was of $500,000 to the defence of the country. The hon none to obtain information to guide our conduct. We orable Senator from Delaware (Mr. Clayton] having asked each other, why was this sent at so late a period satisfactorily shown that the measure originated with What change has occurred in our foreign relations
[Jan. 14, 1836.
which demands it? Does the President recommend it? portunity to say, however, that whenever the crisis, in To what means of defence is it to be applied? If this my judgment, arrives, when the strongest measures are measure is so all-important now for the national protec. necessary to vindicate the national honor, I shall be found tion, why have the three months which have elapsed behind no man here to support them; and that if (which since our meeting passed without any intimation of its God avert) war is determined on, I sball, whether it be necessity? And if we had that information, are there adopted in pursuance of my judgment or not, give it a not insuperable objections to passing it without the zealous and faithful support; but I consider it a great specific objects to which the money can be applied calamity, come when it may. I am anxious to avert it, being designated? No answer could be given to the and I think the maxim of the great poet true in regard questions; and, sir, we did, as I trust every American to nations as well as individuals: Senate will hereafter do, placed in similar circumstances.
"Beware We rejected the amendment. What followed? (said
Of entrance to a quarrel, but, being in, Mr. PORTER.) Did our conduct show that, in the rejec.
Bear it so that tho opposed may be in fear of thee.” tion of this enormous and unprecedented appropriation Mr. WEBSTER next addressed the Chair. It is not of the people's money, we were actuated by any desire my purpose, Mr. President, (said Mr. W.,) to make any o place the country in an unprotected attitude? No, remarks on the state of our affairs with France.
The r, on conference with the House, through the respect time for that discussion bas not come, and I wait. We ire committees, we agreed to vote eight hundred are in daily expectation of a communication from the thousand dollars more, for the purposes of defence, President, which will give us light; and we are authorized three hundred thousand dollars of which was to be ap. to expect a recommendation by him of such measures as plied to the arming the fortifications of the United he thinks it may be necessary and proper for Congress States, and five hundred thousand dollars for the repair to adopt. I do not anticipate him. I do not forerun and equipment of their ships.
him. In this most important and delicate business it is Sir, it is thus seen that the Senate agreed to appropriate the proper duty of the Executive to go forward, and I, one million six hundred and fifty-nine thousand dollars for one, do not intend either to be drawn or driven into to the defence of the country. How, then, Mr. Presi- the lead. When official information shall be before dent, with the semblance of justice, can it be said that us, and when measures shall be recommended upon the we left the nation in a defenceless position? And, sir, proper responsibility, I shall endeavor to form the best (said Mr. P.,) I ask why, if national protection was the judgment I can, and shall act according to its dictates. sole object in this amendment of three millions, why was I rise, now, for another purpose.
This resolution has the sum of more than one million and a half refused! 1 drawn on a debate upon the general conduct of the say the refusal is utterly irreconcilable with the purposes
Senate during the last session of Congress, and especial. which the amendment professed to have in view. 'Sir, ly in regard to the proposed grant of the three millions said Mr. P., I have never heard any thing like a satisfac to the President on the last night of the session. My tory answer to this question. It is said, indeed, it was main object is to tell the story of this transaction, and to too late. To that I say, said Mr. P., if it was too late,
exhibit the conduct of the Senate fairly to the public whose is the blame? Not ours, certainly. Was it the view. I owe this duty to the Senate. I owe it to the fault of the Senate that this extraordinary, and, I repeat committee with which I am connected; and although it, unprecedented amendment was made at so late an whatever is personal to an individual is generally of too hour? No, sir, it was the act of the House of Repre- little importance to be made the subject of much remark, sentatives. On us certainly rests the responsibility of hope I may be permitted, in a matter in regard to rejecting the vote of three millions, to be used as the which there has been so much misrepresentation, to President pleased. I am glad that it does. I am proud, say a few words for the sake of defending my own said Mr. P., that I am one of those who did so.' But í reputation. repeat it, on whom rests the responsibility of tacking This vote for the three millions was proposed by the this amendment to the regular appropriation bill at so House of Representatives as an amendment to the forti. late an hour, and thereby defeating it?' I say again, sir, fication bill; and the loss of that bill, three millions and on the House of Representatives; and I appeal to every all, is the charge which has been made upon the Senate, candid man in the nation, if the facts do not bear me out sounded over all the land, and now again renewed. I in the position I have taken; and I make, said Mr. P., propose to give the true history of this bill, its origin, the same appeal, whiether there is any, or the slightest, its progress, and its loss. foundation to charge the Senate with having been the Before attempting that, however, let me remark, for cause why the country is now in a defenceless position. , it is worthy to be remarked and remembered, that the
I have considered, said Mr. P., this maiter as if the business brought belore the Senate last session, im. fact was really that the lateness of the hour prevented | portant and various as it was, and both public and action on the part of the House. I took no note of the private, was all gone through, with most uncommon hour, Mr. President, but members who did recollect despatch and promptitude. No session has witnessed a there was ample time before, under any construction of more complete clearing off and finishing of the subjects the constitution, Congress had terminated, to act on the before us. The communications from the other House, report of the committee of conference. It is certain whether bills or whatever else, were especially attend. that other and important matters were transacted in both ed to in proper season, and with that ready respect Houses after the committees had reported. But, sir, which is due from one House to the other. I recollect no report was made to the House of Representatives. nothing of any importance which came to us from the Why was it not marle? I leave to every man to make House of Representatives, which was here neglected, the conjecture. It is not for me to say; the American overlooked, or disregarded. people will jurige.
On the other hand, it was the misfortune of the Senale, I have finished, Mr. President. My object in address. and, as I think, the misfortune of the country, that, ing the Senate was, first, to place the transactions of the owing to the state of business in the House of Representa last session of Congress in relation to this matter in their atives towards the close of the session, several measures true light, and I have given the facts as I understand which had been matured in the Senate, and passed into them; my other object was, to remove as far as I could bills, did not receive attention, so as to be either agreed all irritating considerations from that serious question to or rejected in the other branch of the Legislature. which we may soon be called io act on. I take the op- They tell, of course, by the termination of the session.
Among these measures may be mentioned the follow. Academy. These joint rules, as is well known, are ing, viz:
sometimes suspended on the application of one House to The Post Office reform bill, which passed the Senate the other, in favor of particular bills, whose progress unanimously, and of the necessity for which the whole has been unexpectedly delayed, bit which the public country is certainly now most abundantly satisfied; interest requires to be passed. But the House of Rep.
The custom-house regulations bills, which also passed resentatives sent us no request to suspend the rules in nearly unanimously, after a very laborious preparation favor of a bill for the support of the Military Academy, by the Committee on Commerce, and a full discussion in nor made any other proposition to save the institution the Senate;
from immediate dissolution. Notwithstanding all the The judiciary bill, passed here by a majority of thirty- talk about a war, and the necessity of a vote for the one to five, and which has again already passed the three millions, the Military Academy, an instilution Senate at this session with only a single dissenting vote; cherished so long, and at so much expense, was on the
The bill indemnifying claimants for French spoliations very point of being entirely broken up. before 1800;
Now it so happened, sir, that at this time there was The bill regulating the deposite of the public moneys another appropriation bill which had come from the in the deposite banks;
House of Representatives, and was before the Committee The bill respecting the tenure of certain offices, and on Finance here. This bill was entitled “an act making the power of removal from office; which has now again appropriations for the civil and diplomatic expenses of passed to be engrossed, in the Senate, by a decisive the Government for the year 1835." majority.
In this state of things, several members of the House All these important measures, matured and passed in of Representatives applied to the committee, and be. the Senate in the course of the session, and many others sought us to save the academy by annexing the neceswhose importance was less, were sent to the House of sary appropriations for its support to the bill for civil Representatives, and we never heard any thing more and diplomatic service. We spoke to them, in reply, from them. They there found their graves.
of the unfitness, the irregularity, the incongruity, of this It is worthy of being remarked, also, that the attend forced union of such dissimilar subjects; but ihey told ance of members of the Senate was remarkably full, us it was a case of absolute necessity, and that, without particularly toward the end of the session. On the last resorting to this mode, the appropriation could not get day every Senator was in his place till very near the through. We acquiesced, sir, in these suggestions. hour of adjournment, as the journal will show. We had We went out of our way. We agreed to do an extra. no breaking up for want of a quorum, no delay, no calls ordinary and irregular thing, in order to save the public of the Senate; nothing which was made necessary by the business from miscarriage. By direction of the comnegligence or inattention of the members of this body. mittee, I moved the Senate to add an appropriation for On the vote for the three millions of dollars, which was the Military Academy to the bill for defraying civil and taken at about eight o'clock in the evening, forty-eight diplomatic expenses. The bill was so amended; and in votes were given, every member of the Senate being in this form the appropriation was finally made. his place and answering to his name. This is an instance But this was not all. This bill for ihe civil and diplo. of punctuality, diligence, and labor, continued to the matic service being thus amended, by tacking the Milivery end of an arduous session, wholly without example tary Academy upon it, was sent back by us to the House or parallel.
of Representatives, where its length of tail was to be still The Senate, then, sir, must stand, in the judgment of much further increased. That House had before it every man, fully acquitted of all remissness, all neg several subjects for provision, and for appropriation, ligence, all inattention, amidst the fatigue and exhaustion upon which it had not passed any bill, before the time of the closing hours of Congress. Nothing passed un. for passing bills to be sent to the Senate had elapsed. heeded, nothing was overlooked, nothing forgotten, and it was anxious that these things should, in some way, be nothing slighted.
provided for; and when the diplomatic bill came back, And now, sir, I would proceed immediately to give drawing the Military Academy after it, it was thought the history of the fortification bill, if it were not neces prudent to attach to it various of these other provisions. sary, as introductory to that history, and as showing the There were propositions to pave streets in the city of circumstances under which the Senate was called on to Washington, to repair the Capitol, and various other transact the public business, first to refer to another bill things, which it was necessary to provide for; and they, which was before us, and to the proceedings which therefore, were put into the same bill by way of amendwere had upon it.
ment to an amendment; that is to say, Mr. President, we It is well known, sir, that the annual appropriation had been prevailed on to amend their bill for defraying bills always originate in the House of Representatives. the salary of our ministers abroad, by adding an appro, This is so much the course that no one ever looks to priation for the Military Academy; and they proposed see such a bill first brought forward in the Senate. It to amend this our amendment, by adding to it matter as is also well known, sir, that it has been usual, here- german to it as it was to the original bill. There was tofore, to make the annual appropriations for the Mili- also the President's gardener. His salary was unprovi. tary Academy at West Point in the general bill which ded for, and there was no way of remedying this impor. provides for the pay and support of the army. But last tant omission but by giving him place in the diplomatic year, the army bill did not contain any appropriation service bill, among chargés d'affaires, envoys extraordiwhatever for the support of West Point. i took notice nary, and ministers plenipotentiary. In and among these of this singular omission when the bill was before the ranks, therefore, he was formally introduced by the Senate, but presumed, and indeed understood, that the amendment of the House, and there he now stands, as House would send us a separate bill for the Military you will readily see by turning to the law. Sir, I bave Academy. The army bill, therefore, passed; but no not the pleasure to know this useful person; but, should bill for the Academy at West Point appeared. We I see him some morning, overlooking the workmen in waited for it from day to day, and from week to week, the lawns, walks, copses, and parterres, which adorn the but waited in vain. 'At length, the time for sending grounds around the President's residence, considering bills from one House to the other, according to the the company into which we have introduced him, i joint rules of the two Houses, expired; and no bill should expect to see at least a small diplomatic button had made its appearance for the support of the Military on his working-jacket.