Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

HARVARD COLLEGE

SEP 12 1984

LIBRARY

PROCEEDINGS

OF

THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,

AT THE FIRST SESSION OF THE THIRD CONGRESS, BEGUN AT THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA, DECEMBER 2, 1793.

NOTE TO THE READER.

To account for the absence of any Report of Debates in the Senate in the Third Congress, it is proper here to repeat that the Senate sat with closed doors during its Legislative as well as its Executive sittings, from the beginning of the First Congress up to the 20th day of February, 1794, when a proposition succeeded, which had frequently before failed, in that body, that the Legislative sittings of the Senate should thenceforth, after the end of that session of Congress, be conducted with open doors and galleries.

MONDAY, December 2, 1793.

This being the day fixed by the Constitution for the annual meeting of Congress, the following members of the Senate appeared, produced their credentials, and took their seats:

JOHN ADAMS, Vice President of the United
States and President of the Senate;
JOHN LANGDON and SAMUEL LIVERMORE, from
New Hampshire;

GEORGE CABOT, from Massachusetts;
OLIVER ELLSWORTH, from Connecticut;
MOSES ROBINSON, from Vermont;

AARON BURR, from New York;

JOHN RUTHERFURD, from New Jersey;

the United States; which was read, and ordered to lie on the table.

The VICE PRESIDENT also communicated a letter from GEORGE READ, of Delaware, resigning his seat in the Senate; which was read, and ordered to lie on the table.

Ordered, That the Secretary acquaint the House of Representatives that a quorum of the Senate is assembled, and ready to proceed to business.

Ordered, That Messrs. IZARD and LANGDON be a joint committee on the part of the Senate, together with such committee as the House of Representatives may appoint, on their part, to wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and

ROBERT MORRIS and ALBERT GALLATIN, from notify him that a quorum of the two Houses is

Pennsylvania;

JAMES MONROE, from Virginia;
JOHN EDWARDS, from Kentucky;
BENJAMIN HAWKINS, from North Carolina;
RALPH IZARD, from South Carolina.

Mr. LANGDON, the President of the Senate pro tempore, administered the oath required by law to the VICE PResident of tHE UNITED STATES. The Secretary read the credentials of the following Senators appointed for the terms respectively mentioned therein:

PIERCE BUTLER, from South Carolina;
ALEXANDER MARTIN, from North Carolina;
JOHN VINING, from Delaware.

The VICE PRESIDENT administered the oath required by law to Mr. BUTLER, Mr. GALLATIN, and Mr. MARTIN, respectively, and they took their

seats.

STEPHEN MIX MITCHELL, appointed by the State of Connecticut a Senator for two years, in the place of ROGER SHERMAN, deceased, produced his credentials, which being read, the VICE PRESIDENT administered to him the oath required by law, and he took his seat.

The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate the petition of Conrad Laub and others, relative to the appointment of Mr. GALLATIN, a Senator of 3d CON.-2

assembled, and ready to receive any communications that he may be pleased to make to them.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House had elected FREDERICK A. MUHLENBERG their Speaker, and that they have concurred with the Senate in appointing a joint committee to wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

Mr. IZARD, from the joint committee who had waited on the PRESIDENT, reported that the PRESIDENT would meet the two Houses to-morrow, at 12 o'clock, in the Senate Chamber.

TUESDAY, December 3.

The two Houses being assembled in the Senate Chamber, the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES entered, and addressed the two Houses of Congress as follows:

Fellow-citizens of the Senate, and

of the House of Representatives:

Since the commencement of the term for which I have been again called into office, no fit occasion has arisen for expressing to my fellow-citizens at large the deep and respectful sense which I feel of the renewed testimony of public approbation. While, on the one hand, it awakened my gratitude for all those instances

[ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors][graphic]
[merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small]

SENATE.]

Proceedings.

[DECEMBER, 1793.

I cannot recommend to your notice measures for the fulfilment of our duties to the rest of the world, without again pressing upon you the necessity of placing ourselves in a condition of complete defence, and of exacting from them the fulfilment of their duties towards us. The United States ought not to indulge a persuasion that, contrary to the order of human events, they will forever keep at a distance those painful appeals to arms with which the history of every other nation abounds. There is a rank due to the United States among nations, which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our ristimes ready for war. The documents which will be presented to you will show the amount and kinds of arms and military stores now in our magazines and arsenals; and yet an addition even to these supplies cannot with prudence be neglected, as it would leave nothing to the uncertainty of procuring of warlike apparatus in the moment of public danger.

of affectionate partiality with which I have been honored by my country, on the other, it could not prevent an earnest wish for that retirement from which no private consideration should ever have torn me. But, influenced by the belief that my conduct would be estimated according to its real motives, and that the people, and the authorities derived from them, would support exertions having nothing personal for their object, I have obeyed the suffrage which commanded me to resume the Executive power, and I humbly implore that Being on whose will the fate of nations depends, to crown with success our mutual endeavors for the general happiness. As soon as the war in Europe had embraced those Powers with whom the United States have the mosting prosperity, it must be known that we are at all extensive relations, there was reason to apprehend that our intercourse with them might be interrupted, and our disposition for peace drawn into question by the suspicions too often entertained by belligerent nations. It seemed, therefore, to be my duty to admonish our citizens of the consequences of a contraband trade, and of hostile acts to any of the parties, and to obtain, by a declaration of the existing legal state of things, an easier admission of our right to the immunities belonging to our situation. Under these impressions, the Proclamation which will be laid before you was issued.

In this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, I resolved to adopt general rules, which should conform to the treaties and assert the privileges of the United States. These were reduced into a system, which will be communicated to you. Although I have not thought myself at liberty to forbid the sale of the prizes permitted by our treaty of commerce with France to be brought into our ports, I have not refused to cause them to be restored when they were taken within the protection of our territory, or by vessels commissioned or equipped in a warlike form within the limits of the United States. It rests with the wisdom of Congress to correct, improve, or enforce this plan of procedure; and it will probably be found expedient to extend the legal code and the jurisdiction of the Courts of the United States to many cases which, though dependent on principles already recognised, demand some further provisions.

Where individuals shall, within the United States, array themselves in hostility against any of the Powers at war, or enter upon military expeditions or enterprises within the jurisdiction of the United States; or usurp and exercise Judicial authority within the United States; or where the penalties on violations of the law of nations may have been indistinctly marked, or are inadequate these offences cannot receive too early and close an attention, and require prompt and decisive remedies.

Whatsoever those remedies may be, they will be well administered by the Judiciary, who possess a long-established course of investigation, effectual process, and officers in the habit of executing it.

Nor can such arrangements, with such objects, be exposed to the censure or jealousy of the warmest friends of Republican Government. They are incapable of abuse in the hands of the Militia, who ought to possess a pride in being the depository of the force of the Republic, and may be trained to a degree of energy equal to every military exigency of the United States. But it is an inquiry which cannot be too solemnly pursued, whether the act "more effectually to provide for the national defence, by establishing an uniform Militia throughout the United States," has organized them so as to produce their full effect; whether your own experience in the several States has not detected some imperfections in the scheme; and whether a material feature, in an improvement of it, ought not to be to afford an opportunity for the study of those branches of the military art which can scarcely ever be attained by practice alone?

The connexion of the United States with Europe has become extremely interesting. The occurrences which relate to it and have passed under the knowledge of the Executive, will be exhibited to Congress in a subsequent communication.

When we contemplate the war on our frontiers, it may be truly affirmed that every reasonable effort has been made to adjust the causes of dissension with the Indians north of the Ohio. The instructions given to the Commissioners evince a moderation and equity proceeding from a sincere love of peace and a liberality having no restriction but the essential interests and dignity of the United States. The attempt, however, of an amicable negotiation having been frustrated, the troops have marched to act offensively. Although the proposed treaty did not arrest the progress of military preparation, it is doubtful how far the advance of the seaIn like manner, as several of the Courts have doubt son, before good faith justified active movements, may ed, under particular circumstances, their power to liber-retard them, during the remainder of the year. From ate the vessels of a nation at peace, and even of a citizen of the United States, although seized under a false color of being hostile property, and have denied their power to liberate certain captures within the protection of our territory, it would seem proper to regulate their jurisdiction in these points; but, if the Executive is to An anxiety has been also demonstrated by the Exbe the resort in either of the two last-mentioned cases, ecutive for peace with the Creeks and the Cherokees. it is hoped that he will be authorized by law to have The former have been relieved with corn and with clothfacts ascertained by the Courts, when, for his own in-ing, and offensive measures against them prohibited durformation, he shall request it. ing the recess of Congress. To satisfy the complaints

the papers and intelligence which relate to this important subject, you will determine whether the deficiency in the number of troops granted by law shall be compensated by succors of Militia, or additional encouragements shall be proposed to recruits.

« AnteriorContinuar »