JAN. 15, 1833.]

Distribution of Surplus Revenue.

[H. of R.

The committee then rose, and the House adjourned.

ferson, and carried into effect when occupying the posi- He trusted in God that the pillars of our own magnition of Chief Magistrate of this Union. He was now the ficent temple of liberty would not be shaken by the earthlast of those honored and glorious men, those distinguish- quakes of public commotion; and he feared not, that its ed statesmen, who had put their names to the holy deca- lofty dome, looming like a beacon light to the oppressed logue of our liberties, the constitution of the United of every clime, would be hurled in fragments upon the States; and was it not singular, indeed, that the opinions desert air, by the furious tempest of a sanguinary revolu of one whose character is marked by so many excellent tion. and beautiful attributes, should be disregarded, and this, too, at a time when present and coming events render them, if possible, of more inestimable value? That the efforts of a mind so lucid in conceptions, so clear and true in its inductions; a mind which still continues to shed light, and intelligence, and glory, on all subjects upon which it is directed, should fail to dispel the doubts in which this startling, this all-engrossing question is, by some, considered to be enveloped.

TUESDAY, JANUARY 15.

DISTRIBUTION OF SURPLUS REVENUE. Mr. STEWART offered the following preamble and resolution, and moved that it be laid upon the table:

Whereas it was declared by the President of the United States, in his message at the opening of the first session Mr. D. adverted to the letter recently written on the of the twenty-first Congress, that, after the extinction of subject of constitutional powers, and observed, that to the public debt, it is not probable that any adjustment of him he would go for knowledge, instruction, and advice, the tariff, on principles satisfactory, will, until a remote as did the Israelites of old, to their venerable patriarchs, period, if ever, leave the Government without a consiin the times of their greatest tribulation and darkness. derable surplus in the treasury beyond what may be reYounger men than that revered patriot, may possess as quired for its current services; and that, in his opinion, wide a scope of talent, or as great a range of thought; but the most safe, just, and federal disposition that could be the energies of their minds had not been matured and made of the surplus revenue, would be its apportionment softened down by the consummate knowledge of man- among the several States, according to their representakind, to be acquired only in the long years of an expe- tion," which recommendations have been since reiterated rience like his. His opinions were male still more irre-in subsequent messages from the same high source: And sistible and irrefutable by a life, prolonged as it has been, whereas the President has congratulated Congress, at and as it may be devoutly hoped will be, for the blessing the opening of the present session, upon the near apof his country; a life unstained, and blameless of reproach, proach of the period referred to, when the public debt through a long succession of years. It was this which will be entirely extinguished, and a considerable surplus stamped on the opinions of James Madison, a value and remain in the treasury; therefore, authority beyond those of any other individual in this nation. If, in his own State, opinions variant from his, had since been broached, and ably maintained, by far younger men, it would seem to him, that so bright a career as that which, with wonder and astonishment, they had beheld for so many years, would be sufficient to cause them to hesitate, as to the soundness of their own views, when they had, in the midst of them, one, whose whole, pure, unsullied, and illustrious life, was, in itself, so stern a rebuke of the course they were pursuing.

Resolved, That the sum of five millions of dollars (if the surplus revenue shall amount to so much) shall be annually apportioned among the several States, according to their representation; one moiety thereof to be appropri ated to works of improvement of a national character, and the other to the purposes of general education; and that the Committee on Roads and Canals be instructed to report a bill accordingly.

Mr. WILDE moved the question of consideration, viz: Will the House now consider the resolution?

Mr. STEWART suggested to the gentleman from Georgia, that the resolution might be suffered to lie upon the table.

God knew that he (Mr. D.) had once hoped that this country would be blessed beyond all others. That she was destined to a career brighter and more glorious than any which had yet adorned the page of history. Yes, he Mr. WILDE demanded the question of consideration. had seen the sun of her political glory ascending resplen- Mr. STEWART inquired of the CHAIR if the refusal dently from the horizon; he had beheld him climb the now to consider would preclude him from moving its conskies with increasing brightness, and just as he culminated sideration hereafter? Being informed that it would not, in the ecliptic, and was filling the whole firmament with he said he did not wish the House now to consider the rehis effulgence, he appeared, prematurely, to grow pale, solution, but that at some future day, after time had been dim, and lurid; and either suffered an unexpected eclipse, afforded to examine it, he would move for the consideraor was suddenly changed to a portentous and baneful me- tion of the subject. teor, rushing madly from the zenith, and soon to be quenched in the frowning darkness of an interminable night. But, Mr. D. had hoped for more favorable auspices. He had gazed with amazement, with the deepest interest and solicitude, on the lowering and fearful aspect of the heavens, and doubted not that it was but a partial, transient, and temporary penumbra, and the glorious orb would again burst forth with renewed splendor.

Mr. WILDE said that, in a crisis like the present, he could not withdraw his motion, though he regretted not being able to comply with the request of the gentleman from Pennsylvania.

The question of consideration was then put, and decided by yeas and nays, as follows:

YEAS--Messrs. Chilton Allan, Arnold, Babcock, Banks, Noyes Barber, Barstow, Bucher, Burges, Cahoon, EleuThis republic had triumphantly passed through many theros Cooke, Bates Cooke, Cooper, Corwin, Crawford, severe ordeals. Our free Government had successfully Creighton, Dearborn, Dickson, Ellsworth, G. Evans, Grenencountered innumerable difficulties, which seemed to nell, Hodges, Hughes, Ihrie, Kendall, A. King, Letcher, threaten its speedy destruction. It had endured the Marshall, Maxwell, Mercer, Milligan, Nelson, Pearce, whirlwinds of party strife; the withering influence of John Reed, Root, Russell, Semmes, Slade, Southard, Stanembargoes and non-intercourse; the appalling horrors of bery, Stewart, Storrs, Tracy, Vance, Vinton, Watmough, insurrection, and the tremendous shocks of war itself, with Williams, Young.--48. accumulated vigor and increased prosperity; and it would again come forth, with undiminished grandeur, from the deep gloom of impending rebellion and civil war, and long continue to bless our own favored and flourishing country, while it irradiates the world with its cheering effulgence

NAYS--Messrs. Adair, Alexander, Robert Allen, Heman Allen, Allison, Anderson, Angel, John S. Barbour, Barnwell, Barringer, James Bates, Beardsley, Bell, Bethune, James Blair, John Blair, Boon, Bouldin, Briggs, John Brodhead, Bullard, Cambreleng, Carr, Carson,

H. OF R.]

Changing Location of Land Offices.-The Tariff Bill.

So the House refused to consider the resolution.
CHANGING LOCATION OF LAND OFFICES.

[JAN. 15, 1833.

Chandler, Chinn, Claiborne, Clay, Clayton, Coke, Col- "And be it further enacted, That whenever any of the lier, Condit, Connor, Coulter, Craig, Davenport, Dayan, goods, wares, and merchandise, which, by the provisions Dewart, Drayton, Draper, Duncan, Joshua Evans, Felder, of this act, or of any other law of the United States, are Findlay, Fitzgerald, Ford, Foster, Gaither, Gilmore, Gor- charged with impost or duty to any amount, payable at don, Thomas H. Hall, Hawes, Hawkins, Hiester, Hoff- any time after entry thereof, shall, after the first day of man, Hogan, Holland, Horn, Howard, Hubbard, Isacks, February, A. I). 1833, be imported into any district of Jarvis, Jenifer, Jewett, Cave Johnson, Lamar, Lansing, the United States, comprehended within the territorial Leavitt, Lecompte, Lent, Lyon, Mann, Mardis, Mason, limits of any State, which State, or the people thereof, William McCoy, Robert McCoy, McIntire, McKay, Muh-has already, or hereafter shall, by any ordinance, statute, lenberg, Newnan, Newton, Nuckolls, Patton, Pendleton, or law, made, or which shall be made, by such people or Pierson, Pitcher, Polk, Roane, Sewall, William B. Shep- State, whereby the payment of any bond, note, or writ ard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Smith, Soule, Speight, ten security, for the payment of such impost or duties, at Standifer, Taylor, Francis Thomas, Philemon Thomas, any future time may be or is, such ordinance, statute, or John Thomson, Verplanck, Ward, Wardwell, Wayne, law, intended to be in any way prevented, hindered, ob. Weeks, Wilkin, Wheeler, Frederick Whittlesey, Camp- structed, embarrassed, or delayed, it shall be the duty bell P. White, Wilde, Worthington.--111. of the collector, and all other officers of the United States employed in any manner in the collection of the revenue within said district, to cause the amount of all such imThe bill to enable the President to change the location post or duty on all such goods, wares, or merchandise, of land offices having been read a third time, and the ques- therefrom the interest up to the time when the same to be assessed and paid thereon in money, deducting tion being on its passage, Mr. VANCE opposed the bill. Had it provided for would otherwise be payable by the provisions of this act, the consolidation of such land districts as did not pay for or any other law of the United States, before any entry the expense of maintaining separate land offices, he should of such goods, wares, or merchandise, or the ship or vesnot have objected to it: but he disliked both its provisions; sel in which they were or shall have been imported, shall for it often happened that the location of a land office at be made, or any permit to land such goods, wares, and a spot without the district to which it belonged, was often merchandise, shall be given. And on failure of payment a great convenience to the people of such district; as an of all such impost or duty assessed as aforesaid, excepting instance of which he referred to the location of a land of the interest deducted as aforesaid, said goods, wares, and fice at Cincinnati, where the people were in the habit of merchandise, and the ship or vessel wherein the same going on in their ordinary business. He knew of but one shall have been imported, together with the master office that had been removed by order of the Executive, thereof, and the people navigating the same, shall forthand this had been done at the suggestion of an individual with be liable to all the disabilities, forfeitures, and pewho sought to wreak his vengeance on a person who had nalties, to which, by the laws of the United States, goods, offended him, and it had occasioned great uneasiness and wares, and merchandise, ships or vessels, and masters discontent. The other feature of the bill, to which Mr. and mariners navigating the same, are liable in cases V. was opposed, was the placing of absolute discretionary where no report is made, or manifest exhibited, to the power in the President to change the location of land of proper officers of the United States, or where goods, fices at pleasure. He would place such a power in the wares, and merchandise are landed, or attempted to be hand of no man. landed, without securing the imposts or duties, or obtainMr. IRVIN advocated the bill. As to the consolidationing a permit for the landing thereof. And it shall be the of land districts, it was a subject that had long been be-duty of the collector, and all officers of the United States, fore the Committee on the Public Lands; and his col- to proceed therein accordingly. league would probably have the opportunity even of vot- Mr. KENNON, of Ohio, then rose and said, that in ing on a bill for that object. The instance of the land rising he made no promise that he should occupy the atSuch prooffice at Cincinnati was not in point, because that office tention of this committee but a few moments. was situated within, and not without, the district to which mises were seldom performed, although often made in it belonged. Many officers had been removed in conse-siderable length, or I may contract them within very narthis House. I may extend my remarks, said he, to a conquence of the improvement of the country; having, at first, been situated without the limits of the districts. row limits. The subject under consideration is one of Mr. VANCE here explained; observing that provision grave importance, and pregnant with consequences of had been made from the first to have such offices remov-law, it is said that the Union of these happy States is no ordinary character. Should this bill not become a Mr. IRVIN differed as to this fact. With reference to dissolved. Should it become a law, it is alleged that the discretion of the President, inasmuch as the power bankruptcy and ruin are the consequences to the manumust be placed in the hand of some individual, to whom facturers; that large establishments reared up by the foscould it better be confided than to the Chief Magistrate, tering care of this Government will be destroyed; that who had been again placed, by so vast a majority of free-the same power which legislated them into existence, by men, at the head of the Government? The President was protecting their products against foreign competition, too high-minded to be under temptation to abuse the dis-will, by a counter act of legislation, and that, too, in violation of plighted faith, have prostrated them in the dust. If, therefore, I should examine at considerable length a subject of so much importance, this committee, I hope, will excuse me, especially as I am not in the habit of trespassing upon its time.

ed as soon as necessary.

cretion confided to him.

Mr. BURD admitted the President to be as fit as any other individual; but he trusted that the will of no President would give law to this country.

The debate was here cut short by Mr. VERPLANCK'S calling up the Orders of the Day.

The House thereupon went into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, Mr. WAYNE in the chair, and resumed the consideration of

THE TARIFF BILL.

The object of this bill is to reduce the revenue to an amount equal to the necessary expenditures of the Gorernment. That the revenue should be so reduced, I had supposed was a proposition to which none could object. I had supposed that there was not one member of this House who doubted the propriety of such a reduction. of both of tariff and anti-tariff men of this body. I,

The following amendment was offered by Mr. BUR-I still think that opinion is entertained by a large majority, GES to the bill:

JAN. 15, 1833.]

The Tariff.

[H. OF R.

therefore, move the consideration of that point. The that? So far as she is concerned, will you gain any thing first matter of controversy which arises, is the amount of by passing this bill now? We will hear what she says revenue necessary for the expenditures of the Federal upon that subject. I read from the address of the South Government. Carolina convention a few extracts: "Having now pre

remains for us to submit a plan of taxation, in which we would be willing to acquiese in a spirit of liberal concession, provided we are met in due time, and in a becoming spirit by the States interested in the protection of manufactures."

In the remarks which I intend to submit to this com- sented for the consideration of the Federal Government, mittee, I shall assume the fact that fifteen millions of and our confederate States, the fixed and final determidollars is a sufficient amount for that purpose. I will nation of this State in relation to the protecting system, it take the opinions of the Secretary of the Treasury, and of the committee which reported this bill, as correct-so far as they relate to the necessary amount of revenue-although in their estimate, it seems to me they have not taken into consideration certain claims against this Government, which it is as strongly bound to pay as the constitution itself can bind it. I allude to the claims of our own citizens for French spoliations committed prior to 1800, amounting to from five to nine millions of dollars. The only two questions which can be seriously made are, when should the revenue be reduced to the wants of the Government, and how should it be so reduced? To these two questions, I propose to call the attention of the committee. When should the revenue be reduced to the wants of the Government? Not when should the revenue commence to be fifteen millions of dollars; but when should we legislate upon the subject of reduction?

At the last session of Congress we passed a bill, with a full knowledge of the near approach of the extinction of the public debt, and of the consequent necessity of the reduction of the revenues of this country.

"We believe, upon every just and equitable principle of taxation, the whole list of protected articles should be imported, free of all duties, and that the revenue from imports should be raised exclusively from the unprotected articles, or whenever a duty is imposed on the protected articles imported, an excise duty of the same rate should be imposed on the article manufactured "in the United States." Again, it is said: "But we are willing to make a large offering to preserve the Union, and with a distinct declaration that it is a concession on our part. We will consent that the same rate of duty may be im posed upon the protected article that shall be imposed upon the unprotected, provided that no more revenue be raised than is necessary to meet the demand of the Government for constitutional purposes; and provided, also, that a duty substantially equal be imposed upon all forMuch of the time of this House, and of the money of eign imports." In another part of the address it is said: this country, was spent in considering and maturing that "Under these circumstances we cannot permit ourselves bill. We prolonged the session to a very unusual length; to believe for a moment, that in a crisis marked by such and, finally, agreed upon the bill by a very large majori- portentous and fearful omens, those States can hesitate in ty. The ultra tariff and anti-tariff men voting against it. according to this argument, when they perceive that it Not one provision of that bill has yet gone into operation. will be the means, and perhaps the only means, of restorThe time at which it is to take effect has not yet arrived. ing the broken harmony of this great confederacy. They The committee which reported it to the House, had most assuredly have the strongest inducements, aside given its provisions long and laborious investigation. from all considerations of justice, to adjust this contro Can any good reason be given why we should now re-versy without pushing it to extremities. This can be actrace our steps, repeal the act of last session before it complished only by the proposed modification of the tariff, takes effect, and say to our constituents, and to the world, or by a call "of a general convention of all the States." that all our late legislation upon the tariff was improper, And again: "If we submit to this system of unconstiwas wrong, and the time occupied therein uselessly thrown away? What new light has been shed upon our darkened understandings to authorize any such course?

tutional oppression, we shall voluntarily sink into slavery, and transmit that ignominious inheritance to our children. We will not, we cannot, we dare not, submit to this deIt is true that South Carolina has attempted to nullify gradation; and our resolve is fixed, and unalterable, that the revenue laws, and threatens to dissolve the Union in a protecting tariff shall no longer be enforced within the effect, unless this Government wholly surrender the prin- limits of South Carolina. We stand upon the principle ciple of discriminating and protecting duties. I know it of everlasting justice, and no human power shall drive is said that this is a delicate subject, and ought not to be us from our position. We have not the slighest appretouched. Sir, I entertain no such opinion. The pro- hension that the General Government will attempt to ceedings of South Carolina, in their conventions and pub- force this system upon us by military power. We have lic meetings, are public property, and I shall speak of warned our brethren of the consequences of such an atthem fully and unreservedly, but respectfully. Do those tempt; but if, notwithstanding, such a course of madness proceedings of South Carolina form a reason why we should be pursued, we here solemnly declare that this should now pass the bill under consideration? It seems system shall never prevail in South Carolina until none to me not. It seems to me that we should act upon this but slaves are left to submit to it. We would infinitely subject precisely as we would have done if no such move- prefer that the territory of the State should be the cemements had taken place in the South; although I confess it tery of freemen than the habitations of slaves. Actuated operates a little against human nature to be forced to do by these principles, and animated by these sentiments, we right. If it be proper that this bill should pass now, we will cling to the pillars of the temple of our liberties, should pass it regardless of that consideration. If it be and if it must fall, we will perish amidst the ruins." improper, the Carolina proceedings would not make it This, sir, is the language of the people of South Caroright. Suppose, however, we were to pass this bill at lina. They say to you, in language which no man can this session, would it satisfy South Carolina? No, sir. misunderstand, that no protecting tariff, no law containThis is not the bill which she requires at our hands. ing the protecting principle, shall ever be enforced withThis bill contains the protective principle. The commit- in the limits of South Carolina; that they would infinitely tee avow it, and the bill shows it. Some of the Pennsyl- prefer that her territory should become the cemetery of vania iron, for instance, is to have a permanent protection her freemen, and that before they will submit to such a of 95 per cent. The Virginia tobacco has a protection system of oppression, they will perish amidst the ruins of 33 per cent.-a protection which amounts to a prohi- of their country. I hope the day may never come that bition of the importation of that article into this country. the citizens of South Carolina shall so perish. God forThese are not revenue duties. They are protecting du- bid that it should ever be necessary for any man to imties. Will South Carolina be satisfied with such a bill as bue his hands in the blood of a son of South CarolinaVOL. IX-67

[JAN. 15, 1833.

or that a son of South Carolina should stain his with the Union. The doctrine of nullification leads, then, to that blood of a brother of this Union. We are children of the result. With the doctrine of nullification, however, I insame fathers, who fought hand in hand together in the tend, on this occasion, to have nothing to do. revolution. Who bled not for themselves, but for us; It is of the convention that I have been speaking, one who perished, that they might transmit to us, their chil- of the alternatives which South Carolina has presented to dren, that glorious inheritance of liberty which we now this country in order to save it from disunion. I have giv enjoy. It is the price of their blood, and shall we, so en the single case of the public lands within the bounds of soon after they have been consigned to the silent tomb, a State, in order to show the absurdity (if I may be perscatter that inheritance to the four winds of heaven, and mitted to use that word) of the doctrine of conventions become engaged in that worst of all evils, a civil war? as held by South Carolina. The same evils which I have When that day comes, farewell to the liberties of this pointed out in the case of the lands, might arise if any country. But do we escape these evils by passing this other proposition was to be submitted to these convenbill? Do we even allay the excitement of South Carolina? tions. The advocates of this new theory take their opin She has required too much at our hands. She not only ions from that part of the constitution which requires demands a total abandonment of protection, but that it amendments to the constitution to be ratified by convenmust be done in due time, and in a becoming spirit. tions in three-fourths of the States, before those amendYes, sir; she asks that it shall be done in a becoming ments become a part of the constitution; from which they spirit! There is one other alternative which she presents strangely draw the inference that, because the constituto preserve the Union; and that is a convention of all the tion requires three-fourths of the States, in convention, States, to determine whether the constitution has confer- to make an amendment, that, therefore, three-fourths of red the power on Congress to pass laws protecting do- the States must concur in all constructions of the constimestic manufactures. She will abide by the decision of tution, otherwise the construction is an improper one. that convention; but how does she propose the decision They seem to forget that the framers of that instrument, shall be made? Why, sir, three-fourths of the States must in that very clause of the constitution, were attempting decide that the power is delegated, or the decision is, to guard against any alteration of it without the concurthat it is not delegated; and this she claims to be in ac- rence of three-fourths of the States. That such was the cordance with the spirit of the constitution of the United object of the framers there can be no doubt; and yet, by States. In other words, if seven States in such conven- this South Carolina doctrine, you, in violation of that clear tion should say that any power was not conferred upon intention, may, by the consent of seven States, change Congress, then the decision would be, that no such power and alter any clause of the constitution. You may indiwas conferred. For instance, suppose a convention of rectly do that which no man would contend you could do the States called for the purpose of determining whether directly. These are the two alternatives which are prethe General Government possessed the power of selling sented by South Carolina. As to the latter, Congress had the public lands within the States, or whether those lands no power to order any such convention; and if they had, did not become the property of the new States so soon as that power would not probably be exercised, when it was those new States were admitted into the Union. This is understood that seven States might, by construction, alter a question which has been frequently and solemnly made the constitution itself. It therefore seems to me that by some States in the Union. Now, sir, there are public those proceedings of South Carolina form no reason why lands in the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, we should act upon the subject of reducing the revenue, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana. These seven States at this session; much less that we should pass the bill, have on the floor of this House twenty-six Representa- seeing that it could not possibly be acceptable to South tives; all the other States have one hundred and seventy- Carolina. There are other reasons why we ought not to eight; and yet, in such a convention, the members from act upon the subject now. We are taking a new and these seven States would possess the power of deciding important step in legislation; we are taking away from that those lands belonged to them, and not to the General the manufacturer more than half his protection; we are Government, and thenceforth the land would belong to about to settle, and permanently settle, the amount of rethem. This would seem at first blush to be an inequita-venue necessary for this Government. This was not exble distribution of power; and it would be so. But this pected before we left our constituents; neither they nor is not the greatest injustice which would flow from the we had thought of such a movement being made; I, for adoption of such a principle. It would be making those one, have had no opportunity of consulting the feelings seven States judges in their own case, and authorizing of those in whose place I stand upon this floor, and for them, (if South Carolina doctrines be true,) in accordance whom I act. And all this is to be done in a short session with the spirit of the constitution, to take the interest of of Congress, without any reason being assigned for it by the other seventeen States in these lands, and appropri- those who urge it upon us. The Secretary of the Trea ate them to the use of the seven. It would, to all intents sury has not said that the revenue ought to be reduced. and purposes, be transferring the power from the majori- Now, all he has said upon that subject is, that, after this ty, and vesting it in a very small minority. The impro- year, it may be reduced. priety of the doctrine does not end here. The members There is one other reason why we ought not now to act. from the seven States would not only be influenced in Some States have upon this floor more Representatives their decision by all the motives which interest and ava- than by their population they are entitled to; others have rice could create in the breast of man, but they would not not near so many as they will have in the next Congress. even be acting under the solemnity of an oath to decide Hereafter Ohio will have nineteen instead of fourteen according to their own opinion of the constitution, or ac-members; and surely, if this be a question of so much imcording to justice and equity; and yet, strange as it may portance, each State ought to be fully represented when appear, this the doctrine of the leading politicians of it shall be decided.

South Carolina, openly published to the world. They For these reasons, my mind has been brought to the claim that the same constitution which authorizes a ma- conclusion that we ought to leave the decision of this jority of this House, so far as it is concerned, to make a matter to our successors, who will carry with them to law, authorizes, in such a convention, the members of the this House the feelings and wishes of their constituents, seven States to unmake it. They claim more than that. after having had full time to consult and counsel with They maintain, sir, that a law passed by every member of them.

this House and of the Senate, and sanctioned by the Pre- Suppose, however, this to be the proper time; does this sident, may be lawfully nullified by a single State of this bill propose the proper mode of reducing the revenue?

JAN. 15, 1833.]

The Tariff.

[H. OF R.

Is this the bill which we should pass? I think not. The is a large quantity manufactured here. You propose by revenues of this country are collected from two sources- this bill to reduce the duty from fifty to twenty per cent. the public lands and duties upon articles imported into this country.

on that article, and thereby reduce the revenue to a little over one million. If fifty per cent. bear at all a necessaThe articles upon which these duties are assessed are ry protection for these woollens, (and it would seem from such as are manufactured in the country, and such as are the amount imported and sold, with a duty of fifty per not. Of such as are manufactured in this country, some cent., there was some reason to believe that it was not an have been protected against foreign competition by the unnecessary protection,) it does not, at all events, amount legislation of this country. Others have not. Those manu- to a prohibition of the article, as the duty on tobacco does. factured here, and not protected, as well as those imported into this country, and not manufactured here, are called unprotected articles, and upon which a duty, for the purpose of revenue only, has been assessed.

But to come to the point which I proposed: Suppose that, by reducing the duty on woollens from fifty to twenty per cent., you give the foreign article an advantage over the domestic, in the markets of this country, and thereby lessen Whilst this country was largely indebted, the policy of the manufrcture in this country of that article twenty the Government was to keep up the duties on the unpro- millions of dollars; you, of course, increase and make the tected articles, and raise as much revenue as could be importation of these woollens about twenty-six millions. done consistently with the abilities of the country. Upon Upon this supposition, instead of reducing the revenue to the protected articles there had been a higher duty than one and a quarter millions, you will increase it to five upon the unprotected. A duty had been placed upon ar- millions of dollars; and, although such may not be the reticles imported into the United States, and which came sult of this bill, if passed, yet I think it would be found in competition with the like articles manufactured here, to be not very far out of the way. It will, therefore, be sufficiently high (in many instances) to enable the manu- perceived that it is no easy task to raise a definite amount facturer here to sell his article without a duty, full as of revenue by duties upon articles imported into this counlow as the importer of the same article from a foreign try, and coming in competition with the like articles manucountry could sell his, after having paid a duty on bring- factured here. ing it into this country. That public debt is now nearly discharged, and the disbursements of the United States lessened about ten millions every year; and, consequently, the duties upon these protected and unprotected articles must be so arranged as to reduce the annual revenues about ten millions of dollars; or, in other words, to reduce the revenue to fifteen millions.

To reduce the revenue to a certain and definite amount, whether you raise it upon the protected or the unprotected articles, or both, is not the business of one, of two, nor of three sessions of Congress; you must arrive at that point by repeated acts of legislation. You cannot settle that amount by any one act of legislation; time will prove the truth of this assertion. No man can tell within several millions of dollars how much revenue would be raised either by this bill or the one passed last year. Let us, therefore, try the one we have passed before we pass another. By the one already passed, we reduced the duties on certain woollen cloths, which are used almost entirely in the South, to a point far below even a revenue duty; we reduced it to five per cent. This was a partial act of legislation, for the benefit and interest of the South. Of that article there was, during the last year, imported into this country more than one million of dollars worth.

Now, sir, the question is, does the bill propose the proper method of doing it. If the whole revenue were to be collected from a duty on articles imported into, and not manufactured here at all, there would be much less difficulty in arriving at the proper amount. The amount of importation, or consumption of those articles, could be then ascertained, and a duty assessed at such a rate as to produce the amount, or very near the amount of revenue desired. But when you undertake to reduce the duty on the protected article, or rather on the imported article coming in competition with the protected article, so as to produce a specific amount of money, the difficulty is This bill professes to give protection to the manufacgreatly increased. There is a point in the ascending turing of woollens, cottons, iron, hemp, sugar, tobacco, scale, to which, if you raise the duty on those articles, salt, and other articles. By the former Legislature of this you will receive no revenue at all. For instance, take country, it was supposed that an adequate, and nothing tobacco: There has been, and now is, by this bill, a more than an adequate protection, was extended to these duty of thirty-three per cent. on the importation of that productions of this country. If that be true, there is an article. The foreign tobacco is taxed out of the market. insufficient and unequal protection given to them by this The duty amounts to a prohibition of the importation, and bill. Upon certain descriptions of iron manufactured in secures the domestic market to the producer in this coun- Pennsylvania, you do not reduce the duty more than onetry. Take also the manufactures of wool, and increase fourth; no, sir, not one-fourth. You give it a permanent the duty to a certain point, and you will have the same re- protection of ninety-five per cent., while you reduce the sult-a result, however, which would be more sensibly felt by the bill passed last year. It was contemplated to raise a revenue on the finer woollens of about three millions of dollars. If you now raise the duty on imported woollen articles, so as to produce the effect which you have on tobacco-a prohibition of the imported article, you, instead of increasing, will cut off the whole revenue arising from this source.

duty on woollens something like three-fifths. It is so with many other articles. For the sugar of Louisiana you retain a protection of forty-six per cent.; for the hemp of Kentucky, twenty-eight; but to woollens you give from five to twenty per cent. only. Why reduce the duty upon woollens in a greater proportion than upon those other articles?

At the close of the late war every one felt the necessiThere is also a point in the descending scale to which, ty of encouraging the manufacture of this article above if you reduce the duty on the protected article, you will almost every thing else. It was then, sir, that experience greatly increase the revenue. For example, I will again had taught us a lesson which, I had supposed, would not take woollens: It is estimated that about forty millions soon be forgotten. We had to procure from the very enof dollars worth of woollen fabrics are manufactured emy with whom we were contending, the pantaloons and within the United States, and of the fine woollens about coats worn by our soldiers, and the blankets in which six millions worth imported; making the whole consump- they slept. Three regiments of men were raised in Ohio tion of woollens about forty-six millions of dollars in va- at one time. They rendezvoused at Cincinnati; blankets lue. A large portion of which, however, is manufactured could not be purchased in the country to protect them by families for their own use. The duty on the fine quali- from the cold. They were neither manufactured nor ty of woollens is now fifty per cent., and of which there imported. Whilst in this situation, an address was made