and service they held in a dark and dismal swamp. Behold how Satan labored to hinder the gospel from coming into New England!"

It was on Friday, 16th March, 1621, that Samoset suddenly appeared at Plimouth, and, says Mourt, "He very boldly came all alone, and along the houses, strait to the rendezvous, where we intercepted him, not suffering him to go in, as undoubtedly he would, out of his boldness." He was naked, "only a leather about his waist, with a fringe about a span long." The weather was very cold, and this author adds, "We cast a horseman's coat about him." To reward them for their hospitality, Samoset gave them whatever information they desired. "He had, say they, learned some broken English amongst the Englishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon, and knew by name the most of the captains, commanders, and masters, that usually come [there]. He was a man free in speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of seemly carriage. We questioned him of many things: he was the first savage we could meet withal. He said he was not of those parts, but of Moratiggon, and one of the sagamores or lords thereof: had been 8 months in these parts, it lying hence [to the eastward] a day's sail with a great wind, and five days by land. He discoursed of the whole country, and of every province, and of their sagamores, and their number of men, and strength." "He had a bow and two arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded. He was a tall, strait man; the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before; none on his face at all. He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of a mallard; all which he liked well." "He told us the place where we now live is called Patuxet, and that about 4 years ago all the inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague, and there is neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none; so as there is none to hinder our possession, or lay claim unto it. All the afternoon we spent in communication with him. We would gladly been rid of him at night, but he was not willing to go this night. Then we thought to carry him on ship-board, wherewith he was well content, and went into the shallop; but the wind was high and water scant, that it could not return back. We lodged [with him] that night at Stephen Hopkins' house, and watched him."

Thus, through the means of this innocent Indian, was a correspondence happily begun. He left Plimouth the next morning to return to Massasoit. who, he said, was a sachem having under him 60 men. The English having left some tools exposed in the woods, on finding that they were missing, rightly judged the Indians had taken them. They complained of this to Samoset in rather a threatening air. "We willed him (say they) that they should be brought again, otherwise we would right ourselves." When he left them "he promised within a night or two to come again," and bring some of Massasoit's men to trade with them in beaver skins. As good as his word, Samoset came the next Sunday, "and brought with him 5 other tall, proper men. They had every man a deer's skin on him; and the principal of them had a wild cat's skin, or such like, on one arm. They had most of them long hosen up to their groins, close made; and aboue their groins, to their waist, another leather they were altogether like the Irish trousers. They are of complexion like our English gipsies; no hair, or very little, on their faces; on their heads long hair to their shoulders, only cut before; some trussed up before with a feather broadwise like a fan; another a fox-tail hanging out." The English had charged Samoset not to let any who came with him bring their arms; these, therefore, left "their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from our town. We gave them entertainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eat liberally of our English victuals," and appeared very friendly; "sang and danced after their manner, like anticks." "Some of them had their faces painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four or five fingers broad: others after other fashions, as they liked. They brought three or four skins, but we would not truck with them all that day, but wished them to bring more, and we would truck for all; which they promised within a night or two, and would leave these behind them, though we were not willing they should; and they brought all our tools again, which were taken in the woods, in our absence. So, because of the day [Sunday], we dismissed them so soon as we

78

CAPT. HUNT.-IYANOUGH OF CUMMAQUID.

[BOOK II. could. But Samoset, our first acquaintance, either was sick, or feigned himself so, and would not go with them, and stayed with us till Wednesday morning. Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they came not according to their words; and we gave him a hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and a piece of cloth to tie about his waist."

Samoset returned again, the next day, bringing with him Squanto, mentioned in the last chapter. He was "the only native (says MOURT'S RELATION) of Patuxet, where we now inhabit, who was one of the 20 [or 24] captives, that by Hunt were carried away, and had been in England, and dwelt in Cornhill with master John Slaine, a merchant, and could speak a little English, with three others." They brought a few articles for trade, but the more important news "that their great sagamore, MASSASOYT, was hard by," whose introduction to them accordingly followed.

In June, 1621, a boy, John Billington, having been lost in the woods, several English, with Squanto and Tokamahamon, undertook a voyage to Nauset in search for him. Squanto was their interpreter; "the other, Tokamahamon, a special friend." The weather was fair when they set out, "but ere they had been long at sea, there arose a storm of wind and rain, with much lightning and thunder, insomuch that a [water] spout arose not far from them." However, they escaped danger, and arrived at night at Cummaquid. Here they met with some Indians, who informed them that the boy was at Nauset. These Indians treated them with great kindness, inviting them on shore to eat with them.

Iyanough was sachem of this place, and these were his men. "They brought us to their sachim (says Mourt) or governor, whom they call Iyanough," who then appeared about 26 years of age, "but very personable, gentle, courteous, and fair-conditioned, indeed, not like a savage, save for his attire. His entertainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheer plentiful and various." Thus is portrayed the amiable character, Iyanough, by those who knew him. We can add but little of him except his wretched fate. The severity executed upon Wittuwamet and Peksuot caused such consternation and dread of the English among many, that they forsook their wonted habitations, fled into swamps, and lived in unhealthy places, in a state of starvation, until many died with diseases which they had thus contracted. Among such victims were Iyanough, Aspinet, Coneconam, and many more. Hence the English supposed they were in Peksuot's conspiracy, as will be more particularly related here

after.

While the English were with Iyanough, at Cummaquid, they relate that there was an old woman, whom they judged to be no less than 100 years old, who came to see them, because she had never seen English; "yet (say they) [she] could not behold us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping and crying excessively." They inquired the reason of it, and were told that she had three sons, "who, when master Hunt was in these parts, went aboard nis ship to trade with him, and he carried them captives into Spain." Squanto being present, who was carried away at the same time, was acquainted with the circumstances, and thus the English became knowing to her distress, and told her they were sorry, that Hunt was a bad man, but that all the other English were well disposed, and would never injure her. They then gave her a few trinkets, which considerably appeased her.

Our voyagers now proceed to Nauset, accompanied by Iyanough and two of his men. Aspinet was the sachem of this place, to whom Squanto was sent, Iyanough and his men having gone before. Squanto having informed Aspinet that his English friends had come for the boy, he "came (they relate) with a great train, and brought the boy with him," one carrying him through the water. This being at or near the place where an attack was made on the English, on their first arrival in the country, as has been related, caused them to be on their guard at this time.

At this time, Aspinet had in his company "not less than an hundred;" half of whom attended the boy to the boat, and the rest "stood aloof," with their bows and arrows, looking on. Aspinet delivered up the boy in a formal manner, "behung with beads, and made peace with us; we bestowing a knife on him, and likewise on another, that first entertained the boy, and brought him thither."

Iyanough did not accompany the expedition in their return from Nauset, but went home by land, and was ready to entertain the company on their return. From contrary winds and a want of fresh water, the voyagers were obliged to touch again at Cummaquid. "There (say they) we met again with Iyanough, and the most of his town." "He, being still willing to gratify us, took a rundet, and led our men in the dark a great way for water, but could find none good, yet brought such as there was on his neck with them. In the meantime the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing before the shallop;* the men also showing all the kindness they could, Iyanough himself taking a bracelet from about his neck, and hanging it about one of us."

They were not able to get out of the harbor of Cummaquid from_baffling winds and tides, which Iyanough seeing, the next morning he ran along the shore after them, and they took him into their shallop, and returned with him to his town, where he entertained them in a manner not inferior to what he had done before. They now succeeded in getting water, and shortly after returned home in safety.

While at Nauset, the English heard that Massasoit had been attacked and carried off by the Narragansets, which led to the expedition of Standish and Allerton against Caunbitant, as will be found related in his life.

About this time, six sachems of the neighboring country had their fidelity tested, by being called upon to sign a treaty subjecting themselves to King James, as will be found, also, in that life. But to return again to Aspinet, and other sachems of Cape Cod.

By the improvidence of a company settled at Wessaguscus, under the direction of Mr. Thomas Weston, in 1622, they had been brought to the very brink of starvation in the winter of that year. In fact, the Plimouth people were but very little better off; and but for the kindness of the Indians, the worst of consequences might have ensued to both these infant colonies.

As the winter progressed, the two colonies entered into articles of agreement to go on a trading voyage among the Indians of Cape Cod to buy corn, and whatever else might conduce to their livelihood. Squanto was pilot in this expedition; but he died before it was accomplished, and the record of his death stands thus in WINSLOW'S RELATION:

“But here [at Manamoyk, since Chatham], though they had determined to make a second essay [to pass within the shoals of Cape Cod]; yet God had otherwise disposed, who struck Tisquantum with sickness, insomuch as he there died, which crossed their southward trading, and the more, because the master's sufficiency was much doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit to go upon discovery, having no guide to direct them." His disorder, according to Prince, was a fever, "bleeding much at the nose, which the Indians reckon a fatal symptom." He desired the governor would pray for him, that he might go to the Englishmen's God, "bequeathing his things to sundry of his English friends, as remembrances of his love; of whom we have a great loss."

Thus died the famous Squanto, or Tasquantum, in December, 1622. To him the pilgrims were greatly indebted, although he often, through extreme folly and shortsightedness, gave them, as well as himself and others, a great deal of trouble, as in the life of Massasoit and Hobomok will appear.

Thus, at the commencement of the voyage, the pilot was taken away by death, and the expedition came near being abandoned. However, before Squanto died, he succeeded in introducing his friends to the sachem of Manamoick and his people, where they were received and entertained in a manner that would do honor to any people in any age. It is the more worthy of remark, as none of the English had ever been there before, and were utter strangers to them. After they had refreshed them "with store of venison and other victuals, which they brought them in great abundance," they sold them "8 hogsheads of corn and beans, though the people were but few."

From Manamoick they proceeded to Massachusetts, but could do nothing

* It was a custom with most Indian nations to dance when strangers came among them. Baron Lahontan says it was the manner of the Iroquois to dance "lorsque les étrangers parent dans leur pats, ou que leurs ennemis envoient des ambassadeurs pour faire des proposit is de paix."—Memoires de L'Amerique, ii. 110.

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[Book II there, as Mr. Weston's men had ruined the market by giving "as much for a quart of corn, as we used to do for a beaver's skin." Therefore they returned again to Cape Cod, to Nauset, "where the sachem Aspinet used the governor very kindly, and where they bought 8 or 10 hogsheads of corn and beans: also at a place called Mattachiest, where they had like kind entertainment and corn also." While here, a violent storm drove on shore and so damaged their pinnace, that they could not get their corn on board the ship: so they made a stack of it, and secured it from the weather, by covering it with mats and sedge. Aspinet was desired to watch and keep wild animals from destroying it, until they could send for it; also, not to suffer their boat to be concerned with. All this he faithfully did, and the governor returned home by land, "receiving great kindness from the Indians by the way." At this time there was a great sickness among the Massachusetts Indians, "not unlike the plague, if not the same;" but no particulars of it are recorded.

Some time after, Standish went to bring the corn left at Nauset, and, as usual, gets himself into difficulty with the Indians. One of Aspinet's men happening to come to one of Standish's boats, which being left entirely without guard, he took out a few trinkets, such as "beads, scissors, and other trifles,” which when the English captain found out, "he took certain of his company with him, and went to the sachem, telling him what had happened, and requiring the same again, or the party that stole them," "or else he would revenge it on them before his departure," and so departed for the night, "refusing whatsoever kindness they offered." However, the next morning, Aspinet, attended by many of his men, went to the English, "in a stately manner," and restored all the "trifles;" for the exposing of which the English deserved ten times as much reprehension as the man for taking them.

Squanto being the only person that escaped the great sickness at Patuxet, inquirers for an account of that calamity will very reasonably expect to find it in a history of his life. We therefore will relate all that is known of it, not elsewhere to be noticed in our progress. The extent of its ravages, as near as we can judge, was from Narraganset Bay to Kennebeck, or perhaps Penobscot, and was supposed to have commenced about 1617, and the length of its duration seems to have been between two and three years, as it was nearly abated in 1619. The Indians gave a frightful account of it, saying that they died so fast "that the living were not able to bury the dead." When the English arrived in the country, their bones were thick upon the ground in many places. This they looked upon as a great providence, inasmuch as it had destroyed "multitudes of the barbarous heathen to make way for the chosen people of God."

"Some had expired in fight,-the brands
Still rusted in their bony hands,-

In plague and famine some."-CAMPBELL.

All wars and disasters, in those days, were thought to be preceded by some strange natural appearance, or, as appeared to them, unnatural appearance or phenomenon; hence the appearance of a comet, in 1618, was considered by some the precursor of this pestilence.*

We will give here, from a curious work,† in the language of the author, an interesting passage, relating to this melancholy period of the history of the people of Massasoit, in which he refers to Squanto. After relating the fate of a French ship's crew among the Wampanoags, as extracted in the life of Massasoit, in continuation of the account, he proceeds thus: "But contrary wise, [the Indians having said "they were so many that God could not kill them," when one of the Frenchmen rebuked them for their "wickedness," telling them God would destroy them,] in short time after, the hand of God fell heavily upon them, with such a mortall stroake, that they died on heaps, as they lay in their houses, and the living, that were able to shift for themselves, would runne away and let them dy, and let their carkases ly above the ground

The year 1618 seems to have been very fruitful in comets, "as therein no less than four were observed." I. Mather's Discourse concerning Comets, 108. Boston, 12mo. 1683. There may be seen a curious passage concerning the comet of 1618 in Rushworth's Hist. Col. of that year.

"

† New English Canaan, 23, by Thomas Morton, 4to. Amsterdam, 1637.

without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited, there hath been but one left alive to tell what became of the rest; the living being (as it seems) not able to bury the dead. They were left for crowes, kites, and vermine to pray upon. And the bones and skulls, upon the severall places of their habitations, made such a spectacle, after my comming into those parts,* that, as I travailed in that forrest nere the Massachussets, it seemed to me a new-found Golgotha." Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as we have seen, was well acquainted with the coast of New England. After his design failed at Sagadahock, he tells us that he sent over a ship upon his own account, which was to leave a company under one Vines,t to remain and trade in the country. These were his own servants, and he ordered "them to leave the ship and ship's company, for to follow their business in the usual place, (for, he says, I knew they would not be drawn to seek by any means,) by these, and the help of those natives formerly sent over, I come to be truly informed of so much as gave me assurance that in time I should want no undertakers, though as yet I was forced to hire men to stay there the winter quarter, at extreme rates, and not without danger, for that the wart had consumed the Bashaba, and the most of the great sagamores, with such men of action as followed them, and those that remained were sore afflicted with the plague; for that the country was in a manner left void of inhabitants. Notwithstanding, Vines, and the rest with him that lay in the cabins with those people that died, some more, some less, mightily, (blessed be God for it) not one of them ever felt their heads to ache while they stayed there." Here, although we are put in possession of several of the most important facts, yet our venerable author is deficient in one of the main particularsI mean that of dates. Therefore we gain no further data as to the time or continuance of this plague among the Indians; for Sir Ferdinando adds to the above," and this course I held some years together, but nothing to my private profit," &c.

In Capt. Smith's account of New England, published in 1631, he has a passage about the plague, which is much like that we have given above from Morton. The ship cast away, he says, was a fishing vessel, and the man that they kept a prisoner, on telling them he feared his God would destroy them, their king made him stand on the top of a hill, and collected his people about it that the man might see how numerous they were. When he had done this, he demanded of the Frenchman whether his God, that he told so much about, had so many men, and whether they could kill all those. On his assuring the king that he could, they derided him as before. Soon after, the plague carried off all of the Massachusetts, 5 or 600, leaving only 30, of whom 28 were killed by their neighbors, the other two escaping until the English came, to whom they gave their country. The English told the Indians that the disease was the plague. Capt. Smith says this account is second hand to him, and therefore begs to be excused if it be not true in all its particulars.

We have now come to one of the most interesting characters in Indian history.

MASSASOIT, chief of the Wampanoags, resided at a place called Pokanoket or Pawkunnawkut, by the Indians, which is now included in the town of Bristol, Rhode Island. He was a chief renowned more in peace than war, and was, as long as he lived, a friend to the English, notwithstanding they committed repeated usurpations upon his lands and liberties.

This chief's name has been written with great variation, as Woosamequin, Asuhmequin, Oosamequen, Osamekin, Owsamequin, Owsamequine, Ussamequen, Wasamegin, &c.; but the name by which he is generally known in history, is that with which we commence his life.§ Mr. Prince, in his Annals, says of that name,

* Mr. Morton first came over in 1622. He settled near Weymouth. After great trouble and losses from those of a different religion, he was banished out of the country, and had his property sequestered, but soon after returned. He died in York, Me., 1646. If it be pretended that Morton had no religion, we say, "Judge not." He professed to have.

† Mr. Richard Vines. America painted to the Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. 4to. Lond. 1659. A great war among the Indians at this time is mentioned by most of the first writers, but the particulars of it cannot be known. It seems to have been between the Tarratines and tribes to the west of Pascataqua.

Some have derived the name of Massachusetts from this chief, but that conjecture is not to be heeded. If any man knew, we may be allowed to suppose that Roger Williams did. F