172

OF THE PEQUOT NATION.

[BOOK IL which being brought to him, he was angry, and asked those who brought them why they did not carry them to Mr. Williams, that he might convey them to the English. They told him the squaws were lame, and could not go; upon which Miantunnomoh sent to Mr. Williams to come and take them. Mr. Williams could not attend to it, and in his turn ordered Miantunnomoh to do it, who said he was busy and could not; "as indeed he was (says Williams) in a strange kind of solemnity, wherein the sachims eat nothing but at night, and all the natives round about the country were feasted." In the mean time the squaws escaped.

*

Miantunnomoh said he was sorry that the governor should think he wanted these squaws, for he did not. Mr. Williams told him he knew of his sending for one. Of this charge he fairly cleared himself, saying, the one sent for was not for himself, but for Sassamun, who was lying lame at his house; that Sassamun fell in there in his way to Pequt, whither he had been sent by the governor. The squaw he wanted was a sachem's daughter, who had been a particular friend of Miantunnomoh during his lifetime; therefore, in kindness to his dead friend, he wished to ransom her.

Moreover, Miantunnomoh said, he and his people were true "to the English in life or death," and but for which, he said, Okase [Unkus] and his Mohiganeucks had long since proved false, as he still feared they would. For, he said, they had never found a Pequot, and added, "Chenock ejuse wetompati mucks?" that is, "Did ever friends deal so with friends?” Mr. Williams requiring more particular explanation, Miantunnomoh proceeded:

66

My brother, Yotaash, had seized upon Puttaquppuunck, Quame, and 20 Pequots, and 60 squaws; they killed three and bound the rest, whom they watched all night. Then they sent for the English, and delivered them in the morning to them. I came by land, according to promise, with 200 men, killing 10 Pequots by the way. I desired to see the great sachem Puttaquppuunck, whom my brother had taken, who was now in the English houses, but the English thrust at me with a pike many times, that I durst not come near the door."

Mr. Williams told him they did not know him, else they would not; but Miantunnomoh answered, "All my company were disheartened, and they all, and Cutshamoquene, desired to be gone." Besides, he said, "two of my men, Wagonckwhut and Maunamoh [Meihamoh] were their guides to Sesquankit, from the river's mouth." Upon which, Mr. Williams adds to the governor: "Sir, I dare not stir coals, but I saw them too much disregarded by many."

Mr. Williams told the sachems "they received Pequts and wampom without Mr. Governor's consent. Cannounicus replied, that although he and Miantunnomu had paid many hundred fathom of wampum to their soldiers, as Mr. Governor did, yet he had not received one yard of beads nor a Pequt. Nor, saith Miantunnomu, did I, but one small present from four women of Long Island, which were no Pequts, but of that isle, being afraid, desired to put themselves under my protection."

The Pequot war has generally been looked upon with regret, by all good men, since. To exterminate a people before they had any opportunity to become enlightened, that is, to be made acquainted with the reason of other usages towards their fellow beings than those in which they had been brought up, is a great cause of lamentation; and if it proves any thing, it proves that great ignorance and barbarism lurked in the hearts of their exterminators. We do not mean to exclude by this remark the great body of the present inhabitants of the earth from the charge of such barbarism.

In the records of the United Colonies for the year 1647, it is mentioned that "Mr. John Winthrop making claim to a great quantity of land at Niantic by purchase from the Indians, gave in to the commissioners a petition in those words :-'Whereas I had the land of Niantick by a deed of gift and purchase from the sachem [Sassacus] before the [Pequot] wars, I desire the commissioners will be pleased to confirm it unto me, and clear it from any claim of

Probably the same mentioned afterwards. He might have been the famous John Sassamon, or his brother Rowland. Perhaps Walgumacut, or Wahginnacut.

English and Indians, according to the equity of the case.'" Winthrop had no writing from Sassacus, and full ten years had elapsed since the transaction, but Fromatush, Wamberquaske, and Antuppo testified some time after, that "upon their knowledge before the wars were against the Pequots, Sassacus their sachem of Niantic did call them and all his men together, and told that he was resolved to give his country to the governor's son of the Massachusetts, who lived then at Pattaquassat alias Connecticut River's mouth, and all his men declared themselves willing therewith. Thereupon he went to him to Pattaquassets, and when he came back he told them he had granted all his country to him the said governor's son, and said he was his good friend, and he hoped he would send some English thither some time hereafter. Moreover, he told him he had received coats from him for it, which they saw him bring home." This was not said by those Indians themselves, but several English said they heard them say so. The commissioners, however, set aside his claim with considerable appearance of independence.

Dr. Dwight thus closes his poem upon the destruction of the Pequots :

"Undaunted, on their foes they fiercely flew ;

As fierce the dusky warriors crowd the fight;
Despair inspires; to combat's face they glue;

With groans and shouts, they rage, unknowing flight,
And close their sullen eyes, in shades of endless night.

Indulge, my native land, indulge the tear

That steals, impassioned, o'er a nation's doom.
To me, each twig from Adam's stock is near,
And sorrows fall upon an Indian's tomb."

And, O ye chiefs! in yonder starry home,
Accept the humble tribute of this rhyme.

Your gallant deeds, in Greece, or haughty Rome,

By Maro sung, or Homer's harp sublime,

Had charmed the world's wide round, and triumphed over time."

Another, already mentioned, and the next in consequence to Sassacus, was MONONOTTO. Hubbard calls him a "noted Indian," whose wife and children fell into the hands of the English, and as "it was known to be by her mediation that two English maids (that were taken away from Weathersfield, upon Connecticut River) were saved from death, in requittal of whose pity and humanity, the life of herself and children was not only granted her, but she was in special recommended to the care of Gov. Winthrop, of Massachusetts." Mononotto fled with Sassacus to the Mohawks, for protection, with several more chiefs. He was not killed by them, as Sassacus was, but escaped from them wounded, and probably died by the hands of his English enemies. He is thus mentioned by Governor Wolcott, in his poem upon Winthrop's agency, &c.

"Prince Mononotto sees his squadrons fly,
And on our general having fixed his eye,
Rage and revenge his spirits quickening,
He set a mortal arrow in the string."

On the 5 August, 1637, Governor Winthrop makes the following entry in his journal :—“ Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Pincheon, and about 12 more, came by land from Connecticut, and brought with them a part of the skin and lock of hair of Sasacus and his brother and 5 other Pequod sachems, who being fled to the Mohawks for shelter, with their wampom (being to the value of £500) were by them surprised and slain, with 20 of their best men. Mononottoh was also taken, but escaped wounded. They brought news also of divers other Pequods which had been slain by other Indians, and their heads brought to the English; so that now there had been slain and taken between 8 and 900." It was

The first troubles with the Pequots have already been noticed. among the people of Mononotto, that the English caused the blood of a Pequot to flow. Some English had been killed, but there is no more to excuse the murder of a Pequot than an Englishman. The English had injured the Indians of Block Island all in their power, which, it seems, did not satisfy them, and they next undertook to make spoil upon them in their own country

174

MONONOTTO.-CASSASSINNAMON.

[Воск 11 upon Connecticut River. "As they were sailing up the river, says Dr. I. Mather, many of the Pequots on both sides of the river called to them, desirous to know what was their end in coming thither."* They answered, that they desired to speak with Sassacus; being told that Sassacus had gone to Long Island, they then demanded that Mononotto should appear, and they pretended he was from home also. However, they went on shore and demanded the murderers of Captain Stone, and were told that if they would wait they would send for them, and that Mononotto would come immediately. But very wisely the Pequots, in the mean time, "transported their goods, women and children to another place." One of them then told the English that Mononotto would not come. Then the English began to do what mischief they could to them, and a skirmish followed, wherein one Indian was killed, and an Englishman was wounded."‡

The name of Mononotto's wife appears to have been WINCUMBONE. She should not be overlooked in speaking of Mononotto, as she was instrumental in saving the life of an Englishman, as disinterestedly as Pocahontas saved that of Captain Smith. Some English had gone to trade with the Pequots, and to recover some horses which they had stolen, or picked up on their lands. Two of the English went on shore, and one went into the sachem's wigwam and demanded the horses. The Indians within slyly absented themselves, and Wincumbone, knowing their intention, told him to fly, for the Indians were making preparations to kill him. He barely escaped to the boat, being followed by a crowd to the shore.

CASSASSINNAMON was a noted Pequot chief, of whom we have some account as early as 1659. In that year a difficulty arose about the limits of Southerton, since called Stonington, in Connecticut, and several English were sent to settle the difficulty, which was concerning the location of Wekapauge. "For to help us (they say) to understand where Wekapauge is, we desired some Poquatucke Indians to go with us." Cassassinnamon was one who assisted. They told the English that "Cashawasset (the governor of Wekapauge) did charge them that they should not go any further than the east side of a little swamp, near the east end of the first great pond, where they did pitch down a stake, and told us [the English] that Cashawasset said that that very place was Wekapauge; said that he said it and not them; and if they should say that Wekapauge did go any further, Cashawasset would be angry." Cashawasset after this had confirmed to him and those under him, 8000 acres of land in the Pequot country, with the provision that they continued subjects of Massachusetts, and should "not sell or alienate the said lands, or any part thereof, to any English man or men, without the court's approbation."

The neck of land called Quinicuntauge was claimed by both parties; but Cassassinnamon said that when a whale was some time before cast ashore there, no one disputed Cashawasset's claim to it, which, it is believed, settled the question Cashawasset was known generally by the name of Harmon Garrett. §

We next meet with Cassassinnamon in Philip's war, in which he commanded a company of Pequots, and accompanied Captain Denison in his successful career, and was present at the capture of Canonchet. ||

In November, 1651, Cassassinnamon and eight others executed a sort of an agreement "with the townsmen of Pequot," afterward called New London. What kind of agreement it was we are not told. His name was subscribed Casesymamon. Among the other names we see Obbachickwood, Neesouweegun alias Daniel, Cutchámaquin and Mahmawambam. Cassassinnamon, it is said, signed "in his own behalf and the behalf of the rest of Nameeag Indians."¶ + Ibid.

*Relation, 44.

Ibid. Captain Lion Gardener, who had some men in this affair, gives quite a different Bccount. See life of Kutshamoquin, alias Kutshamakin. Hubbard.

Several manuscript documents.

1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. x. 101.

CHAPTER VII.

Df the Praying or Christian Indians in New England-Difficult to Christianize them-Labors of John Eliot-WAUBAN the first Christian sagamore-Indian laws -Uncas protests against the attempt to convert his people-Ninigret refuses to receive missionaries-The Indian Bible-PIAMBOUHOU-SPEEN-PENNAHANNIT

TUKAPEWILLIN-OONAMOG-AHATAWANCE-WATTASSACOMPONUM-HIACOOMES

-MIOHQSOO-OCCUM-TITUBA.

Ir must be exceedingly difficult, as all experience has shown, to cause any people to abandon a belief or faith in a matter, unless it be one on which the reasoning powers of the mind can be brought to act. The most ignorant people must be convinced, that many effects which they witness are produced by obvious causes; but there are so many others for which they cannot discover a cause, that they hesitate not to deny any natural cause for them at once. And notwithstanding that, from day to day, causes are developing themselves, and showing them, that many results which they had viewed as proceeding from a super natural cause hitherto, was nothing but a natural one, and which, when discovered, appeared perfectly simple, too, yet, for the want of the means of investigation, they would be looked upon as miraculous. These facts have been more than enough, among the scientific world, to cause them to look upon the most latent causes, with a hope that, in due time, they would unfold themselves also; and, finally, leave nothing for any agent to perform but nature itself. When the Indian, therefore, is driven by reason, or the light of science, from his strong-hold of ignorance, or, in other words, superstition, he is extremely liable to fall into the opposite extreme, to which allusion has just been made, because he will unhesitatingly say, what once appeared past all discovery has been shown to be most plain, and therefore it is not only possible, but even probable, that others will be disclosed of a like character.

It so happens, that in attempting to substitute one faith for another, in the minds of Indians, that the one proposed admits of no better demonstration than the one already possessed by them; for their manner of transmitting things to be remembered, is the most impressive and sacred, as will be elsewhere observed in our work. That any thing false should be handed down from their aged matrons and sires, could not be for a moment believed; and hence, that the stories of a strange people should be credited, instead of what they had heard from day to day from their youth up, from those who could have no possible motive to deceive them, could not be expected; and therefore no one will wonder for a moment that the gospel has met with so few believers among the Indians. All this, aside from their dealers in mysteries, the powwows, conjurers or priests, as they are variously denominated, whose office is healing the sick, appeasing the wrath of the invisible spirits by charms and unintelligible mummery. These characters took upon themselves, also, the important affair of determining the happiness each was to enjoy after death; assuring the brave and the virtuous that they should go to a place of perpetual spring, where game in the greatest plenty abounded, and every thing that the most perfect happiness required. Now, as a belief in any other religion promised no more, is it strange that a new one should be slow in gaining credence?

Considerations of this nature inevitably press in upon us, and cause us not to wonder, as many have done, that, for the first thirty years after the settlement of New England, so little was effected by the gospel among the Indians. The great difficulty of communicating with them by interpreters must have been slow in the extreme; and it must be considered, also, that a great length of time must have been consumed before any of these could perform their office with any degree of accuracy; the Indian language being unlike every other, and bearing no analogy to any known tongue whatever; and then, the peculiar custom of the Indians must be considered; their long delays before they would answer to any proposition; but more than all, we have to con

176

PRAYING INDIANS.-NESUTAN.

[BOOK II. sider the natural distrust that must necessarily arise in the minds of every people, at the sudden influx of strangers among them. When any new theory was presented to their minds, the first questions that would present themselves, would most unquestionably be, What are the real motives of this new people?-Do they really love us, as they pretend?-Do they really love one another? or do they not live, many of them, upon one another?--Is not this new state of things, which they desire, to enable them to subsist by us, and in time to enslave us, or deprive us of our possessions?-Does it not appear that these strangers are full of selfishness, and, therefore, have every motive which that passion gives rise to for deceiving us?—Hence, we repeat, that it can hardly be thought strange that Christianity has made so slow progress among the Indians.

Notwithstanding one of the ostensible objects of nearly all the royal charters and patents issued for British North America was the Christianizing of the Indians, few could be found equal to the task on arriving here; where wants of every kind required nearly all their labors, few could be found willing to forego every comfort to engage in a work which presented so many difficulties. Adventurers were those, generally, who emigrated with a view to bettering their own condition, instead of that of others.

At length Mr. John Eliot, seeing that little or nothing could be effected through the medium of his own language, resolved to make himself master of the Indian, and then to devote himself to their service. Accordingly he hired an old † Indian, named Job Nesutan, ‡ to live in his family, and to teach him his language. When he had accomplished this arduous task, which he did in "a few months," he set out upon his first attempt; having given notice to some Indians at Nonantum,|| since Newton,¶ of his intention. With three others he met the Indians for the first time, 28 October, 1646. Waaubon,** whose name signified wind,†† "a wise and grave man, though no Sachem, with five or six Indians met them at some distance from their wigwams, and bidding them welcome, conducted them into a large apartment, where a great number of the natives were gathered together, to hear this new doctrine." After prayers, and an explanation of the ten commandments, Mr. Eliot informed them "of the dreadful curse of God that would fall upon all those that brake them: He then told them who Jesus Christ was, where he was now gone, and how he would one day come again to judge the world in flaming fire."

After about an hour spent in this manner, the Indians had liberty to ask any questions in relation to what had been said. Whereupon one stood up and asked, How he could know Jesus Christ?—Another, Whether Englishmen were ever so ignorant of him as the Indians?-A third, Whether Jesus Christ could understand prayers in Indian ?—Another, How there could be an image of God, since it was forbidden in the second commandment?—Another, Whether, according to the second commandment, the child must suffer, though he be good, for the sins of its parents?—And lastly, How all the world became full of people, if they were all once drowned in the flood?

The second meeting was upon 11 November, following. Mr. Eliot met the Indians again, and after catechising the children, and preaching an hour to the congregation, heard and answered, among others, the following questions.-How the English came to differ so much from the Indians in their knowledge of God and Jesus Christ, since they had all at first but one Father ?—Another desired to know, How it came to pass that sea-water was salt and river water fresh? And another, That if the water was higher than the earth, how it happened that it did not overflow it?

The third meeting took place soon after, namely, on 26 of the same month,

See p. 51 of this book, ante.

+ N. Eng. Biog. Dictionary, art. ELIOT.
Neal, Hist. N. Eng. i. 123.

"Near Watertown mill, upon the south side of Charles River, about four or five miles from his own house, [in Roxbury,] where lived at that time Waban, one of their principal men, and some Indians with him." Gookin, (Hist. Col.) 168.

Nonantum, or Noonatomen, signified a place of rejoicing, or rejoicing. Neal, i. 216. ** Wauban, Magnalia, iii. 196.

Day-breaking of the Gospel in N. Eng., in Neal, i. 223.

tt Ibid.