162

UNCAS.-WAR WITH THE NIPMUKS.

[BOOK II.

These charges being admitted by Foxon, the commissioners "ordered that Vncus from them be fully informed, that he must either regulate and continue his brother in a righteous and peaceable frame for the future vnderstandinge, and providing that vpon due proof due restitution to be made to such as haue been wronged by him, or else wholy disert and leaue him, that the Narragensett and others may requere and recouer satisfaction as they can."

We pass now to the year 1651, omitting to notice some few events more or less connected with our subject, which, in another chapter, may properly pass under review.

Last year, Thomas Stanton had been ordered "to get an account of the number and names of the several Pequots living among the Narragansets, Nianticks, or Mohegan Indians, &c.; who, by an agreement made after the Pequot war, are justly tributaries to the English colonies, and to receive the tribute due for this last year." Stanton now appeared as interpreter, and with him came also Uncas and several of his men, Wequash Cook and some of "Ninnacraft's" men, "Robert, a Pequot, sometimes a servant to Mr. Winthrop, and some with him, and some Pequots living on Long Island." They at this time delivered 312 fathom of wampum. Of this Uncas brought 79, Ninigret's men 91, &c.

"This wampum being laid down, Uncas and others of the Pequots demanded why this tribute was required, how long it was to continue, and whether the children to be born hereafter were to pay it." They were answered that the tribute had been due yearly from the Pequots since 1638, on account of their murders, wars, &c. upon the English. "Wherefore the commissioners might have required both account and payment, as of a just debt, for time past, but are contented, if it be thankfully accepted, to remit what is past, accounting only from 1650, when Thomas Stanton's employment and salary began." Also that the tribute should end in ten years more, and that children hereafter born should be exempt. Hitherto all male children

were taxed.

The next matter with which we shall proceed, has, in the life of Ousamequin, been merely glanced at, and reserved for this place, to which it more properly belongs.

We have now arrived to the year 1661, and it was in the spring of this year that a war broke out between Uncas and the old sachem before named. It seems very clear that the Wampanoags had been friendly to the Narragansets, for a long time previous; being separated from them, were not often involved in their troubles. They saw how Uncas was favored by the English, and were, therefore, careful to have nothing to do with the Mohegans, from whom they were still farther removed. Of the rise, progress and termination of their war upon the Quabaogs, a tribe of Nipmuks belonging to Wasamagin, the reader may gather the most important facts from some documents,* which we shall in the next place lay before him.

"MERCURIUS DE QUABACONK, or a declaration of the dealings of Uncas and the Mohegin Indians, to certain Indians the inhabitants of Quabaconk, 21, 3d mo. 1661.

"About ten weeks since Uncas' son, accompanied with 70 Indians, set upon the Indians at Quabaconk, and slew three persons, and carried away six prisoners; among which were one squaw and her two children, whom when he had brought to the fort, Uncas dismissed the squaw, on conditions that she would go home and bring him £25 in peag, two guns and two blankets, fer the release of herself and her children, which as yet she hath not done, being retained by the sagamore of Weshakeim, in hopes that their league with the English will free them.

"At the same time he carried away also, in stuff and money, to the value of £37, and at such time as Uncas received notice of the displeasure of the English in the Massachusetts by the worshipful Mr. Winthrop, he insolently laughed them to scorn, and professed that he would still go on as he had begun, and assay who dares to controll him. Moreover, four days since there came home a prisoner that escaped; two yet remaining, whom Uncas

* In manuscript, and never before published.

threatens, the one of them to kill, and the other to sell away as a slave, and still threatens to continue his war against them, notwithstanding any prohibition whatsoever; whose very threats are so terrible, that our Indians dare not wander far from the towns about the Indians for fear of surprise.

From this narrative it is very plain that Uncas cared very little for the displeasure of the English: it is plain, also, that he knew as well as they what kept them from dealing as severely with him as with the Narragansets, his neighbors. They must succumb to him, to keep him in a temper to aid in fighting their battles when called upon. Hence, when he had committed the grossest insults on other Indians, the wheels of justice often moved so slow, that they arrived not at their object until it had become quite another matter. It must, however, be considered, that the English were very peculiarly situated-upon the very margin of an unknown wilderness, inclosed but on one side by Indians, whose chief business was war. They had destroyed the Pequots, but this only added to their fears, for they knew that revenge lurked still in the breasts of many, who only were waiting for an opportunity to gratify it; therefore, so long as one of the most numerous tribes could possibly be kept on their side, the English considered themselves in safety. They had made many missteps in their proceedings with the Indians, owing sometimes to one cause and sometimes to another, for which now there was no remedy; and it is doubtful whether, even at this day, if any set of men were to go into an unknown region and settle among wild men, that they would get along with them so much better than our fathers did with the Indians here, as some may have imagined. These are considerations which must be taken into account in estimating the "wrongs of the Indians." They seem the more necessary in this place; for, in the biography of Uncas, there is as much, perhaps, to censure regarding the acts of the English, as in any other article of Indian history.

The narrative just recited, being sent in to the court of Massachusetts, was referred to a select committee, who, on the 1 June, reported,

That letters should be sent to Uncas, signifying how sensible the court was of the injuries he had done them, by his outrage upon the Indians of Quabaconk, who lived under their sagamore, Wassamagin, as set forth in the narrative. That, therefore, they now desired him to give up the captives and make restitution for all the goods taken from them, and to forbear for time to come all such unlawful acts. That, if Wassamagin or his subjects had or should do him or his subjects any wrong, the English would, upon due proof, cause recompense to be made. Also that Uncas be given to understand and assured, that if he refuse to comply with the request, they were then resolved to right the injuries upon him and his, and for all costs they might be put to in the service. "That for the encouragement and safety of the sayd Wassamagin and his subjects, there be by order of Major Willard three or four armed men, well accomodate in all respects, with a proporcon of powder, bulletts and match sent from Lancaster to Quabaconk vnto the sayd Wassamagin, there to stay a night or two, and to shoote of their mus quets so often, and in such wise, as the major shall direct, to terrifie the enemies of Wassamagin, and so to return home again." To inform Wassamagin and his subjects, that the authorities of Massachusetts would esteem it an acknowledgment of their regard, if they would permit them to have the captives to be recovered from Uncas, to bring them up in a proper manner, that they might be serviceable to their friends, &c. Also, "aduice and require Wassamagin and his men to be verie carefull of iniuring or any ways prouoking of Vncas, or any of his men, as he will answer our displeasure

164

UNCAS WAR WITH ALEXANDER.

[Book II.

therein, and incurr due punishment for the same." That if Uncas committed any other hostile acts, he must complain to them, &c.* Thus Wassamegin was as much threatened as Uncas.

Matters seem to have remained thus until the meeting of the commissioners in September following; when, in due course, the business was called up, and acted upon as follows:

"Vpon complaint made to the comissionars of the Massachusetts against Vnkas, this following message was sent to him:

"Vncas, wee haue receiued information and complaint from the generall court of the Massachusetts of youer hostile invading of Wosamequin and the Indians of Quabakutt, whoe are and longe haue bine subjects to the English, killing some and carrying away others; spoyling theire goods to the vallue of 33lb. as they allege." That he had done this contrary to his covenants, and had taken no notice of the demands of the Massachusetts, though some time since they had ordered him to deliver up the captives, make remuneration, &c. And to all he had returned no answer; "which," continues the letter, seemes to bee an insolent and proud carriage of youers. We cannot but wonder att it, and must beare witness against it." He was, as before, required to return the captives, &c. and give reasons for his operations; and if he neglected to do so, the Massachusetts were at liberty to right themselves.

66

In the mean time, as we apprehend, a letter from Uncas was received, written by Captain Mason, which was as follows:

"Whereas there was a warrant sent from the court of Boston, dated in my last to Vncas, sachem of Mohegen, wherin it was declared vpon the complaint of Wesamequen, † a sachem subject to the Massachusetts, that the said Vncas had offered great violence to theire subjects at Quabauk, killing some and taking others captiue; which warrant came not to Uncas, not aboue 20 daies before these presents, who, being summoned by Major John Mason, in full scope of the said warrant, wherein he was deeply charged if he did not return the captiues, and £33 damage, then the Massachusetts would recouer it by force of armes, which to him was uery grieuous: professing he was altogether ignorant that they were subjects belonging to the Massachusetts; and further said that they were none of Wesamequen's men, but belonging to Onopequin, his deadly enemie, whoe was there borne; one of the men then taken was his own cousin, who had formerly fought against him in his own person; and yett sett him att libertie; and further saith that all the captiues were sent home. Alsoe that Wesamequin['s] son ‡ and diuers of his men had fought against him diuers times. This he desired might bee returned as his answare to the

comissioners.

"Allexander allis Wamsutta, sachem of Sowamsett, being now att Plymouth, hee challenged Quabauke Indians to belong to him; and further said that hee did warr against Vncas this summer on that account. §

Signed by

JOHN MASON."

*Here end our MSS. relating to this affair.

By this it would seem that Massasoit had, for some time, resided among the Nipmucks. He had, probably, given up Pokanoket to his sons.

There can scarce be a doubt that this refers to Alexander, and that the next paragraph confirms it; hence Massasoit was alive in May, 1661, as we have before stated. And the above letter of Mason was probably written in September, or while the commissioners were

in session.

It seems always to have been uncertain to whom the Nipmucks belonged. Roger Williams says, in 1668, "That all the Neepmucks were unquestionably subject to the Nanhigonset sachems, and, in a special manner, to Mejksah, the son of Caunounicus, and late husband to this old Squaw-Sachem, now only surviving. I have abundant and daily proof of it," &c. MS. letter. See life Massasoit, b. ii. ch. ii.

At one time, Kutshamakin claimed some of the Nipmucks, or consented to be made a tool of by some of them, for some private end. But Mr. Pynchon said they would not own him as a sachem any longer than the sun shined upon him." Had they belonged to him, Massa chusetts must have owned them, which would have involved them in much difficulty in 1648 by reason of several murders among them.

The particulars of the issue of these troubles were not recorded, and the presumption is, that Uncas complied with the reasonable requests of the English, and the old, peaceable Ousamequin, being unwilling to get into difficulty, put up with the result without avenging his wrongs. His son, Wamsutta, as will be seen, about this time found himself involved in difficulties nearer home, which probably prevented him from continuing the war against Uncas, had he been otherwise disposed.

10001

CHAPTER VI.

Of the Pequot nation-Geography of their country-SASSACUS, their first chief, known to the English-Tassaquanott-War-The cause of it-WEQUASH-Canonicus and Miantunnomoh accused of harboring fugitive Pequots—Sassamon—Mononotto— Otash-CASSASSINNAMON.

"But since I've mentioned Sassacus' great name,

That day so much a terror where it came;

Let me, in prosecution of my story,

Say something of his pride and kingdom's glory."—WOLCOTT.

Ir is said by Mr. Hubbard,* that the Pequots, "being a more fierce, cruel, and warlike people than the rest of the Indians, came down out of the more inland parts of the continent, and by force seized upon one of the goodliest places near the sea, and became a terror to all their neighbors." The time of their emigration is unknown. They made all the other tribes "stand in awe, though fewer in number than the Narragansets, that bordered next upon them." +

Their country, according to Mr. Gookin, § "the English of Connecticut jurisdiction, doth now, [1674,] for the most part, possess." Their dominion, or that of their chief sachem, was, according to the same author, "over divers petty sagamores; as over part of Long Island, over the Mohegans, and over the sagamores of Quinapeake, [now New Haven,] yea, over all the people that dwelt upon Connecticut River, and over some of the most southerly inhabitants of the Nipmuck country, about Quinabaag." The principal seat of the sagamores was near the mouth of Pequot River, now called the Thames, where New London stands. "These Pequots, as old Indians relate, could, in former times, raise 4000 men fit for war."|| The first great chief of this nation, known to the English, was

SASSACUS, whose name was a terror to all the neighboring tribes of Indians. From the fruitful letters of the Reverend Roger Williams, we learn that he had a brother by the name of Puppompoges, whose residence was at Monahiganick, probably Mohegan. Although Sassacus's principal residence was upon the Thames, yet, in his highest prosperity, he had under him no less than 26 sachems, and his dominions were from Narraganset Bay to Hudson's River, in the direction of the sea-coast. Long Island was also under him, and his authority was undisputed far into the country.

A brother of Sassacus, named Tassaquanott, survived the Pequot war, and was one of those complained of by Uncas in 1647, for giving his countrymen "crooked counsell” about a present of wampum, which he had advised to be given to the English instead of him. It appears that on the death of a child of Uncas, the Pequots had presented him with 100 fathom of wampum,¶ which, when Tassaquanott knew, he disapproved of it, politicly urging, that if the English were conciliated by any means towards them, it mattered not much about Uncas.

Narrative, i. 116.

We believe this name meant Gray foxes, hence Gray-fox Indians, or Pequots.

Hist. New England, 33.

See his Collections in 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 147.

Hazard, Hist. Col. ii. 90.

Ibid.

166

SASSACUS.-PEQUOT WARS.

[BOOK II.

We are informed,* that Connecticut was claimed by right of conquest at one time by the first white settlers, who found much of it cultivated and setiled by its Indian inhabitants, although they endeavored that it should be understood otherwise. The numbers of the natives in that region were "thousands, who had three kings, viz. Connecticote, Quinnipiog, and SASSACUS." Connecticote was "emperor," or chief of chiefs, an elevation in which he and his ancestors had stood for about 400 years, according to their traditions.

About the time the English had determined on the subjugation of the Pequots, Roger Williams wrote to Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts, giving him important directions how they should proceed to advantage, and what was very important then, gave the following rude draft of their country:—

In the same letter, Mr. Williams urges the necessity of employing faithful guides for the English forces; "as shall be best liked of [to] be taken along to direct, especially two Pequts; viz. Wequash, [whose name signified a swan,] and Wuttackquiackommin, valiant men, especially the latter, who have lived these three or four years with the Nanhiggonticks, and know every pass and passage amongst them, who desire armor to enter their houses."

In 1634, as has been before incidentally mentioned, one Captain Stone was killed by the Pequots, while upon a trading expedition in Connecticut River. Without knowing the reason of their killing Stone, the English demanded the murderers soon after, and as Sassacus was involved in troubles with the Narragansets and all his neighbors, he thought it not best entirely to slight the demand of the English; he therefore sent messengers to Boston, where they arrived 6 November, with offers of peace, which, after considerable deliberation on the part of the English, were accepted, and a treaty was entered into on the 9th following.

A messenger had been sent, in October, upon the same errand, but was dismissed with orders to inform Sassacus, that he must send persons of greater quality, and then the English would treat with him. "He brought," says Winthrop, "two bundles of sticks, whereby he signified how many beaver and otter skins he would give us for that end, and great store of wampompeage, (about two bushels, by his description.)" He had a small present with him, which was accepted by the English, who gave him in return, “a moose coat of as good value."

The treaty entered into on the 9 November, 1634, between the Pequots and English, stipulated that the murderers of Captain Stone should be given up to the English, of whom there were at that time left but two, as attested by the ambassadors of Sassacus, who further observed in explanation, that the sachem in whose time the act was committed, was dead, having been slain in a war with the Dutch, and that all the men concerned in it, except two, had also died of the small-pox. This, together with the facts given in concerning the death of Stone, inclined the English to believe the account altogether; and, but for what happened afterwards, it is probable that the historians of that

* But with what truth I know not, for it rests upon the authority of Peters.

A name signifying an Oel's nest. Same letter