142 NINIGRET.-UNCAS'S PERFIDY. [BOOK IL had been preferred against Ninigret by Uncas, we have reason to think it would have been forthwith "inquired into," at least, without an if. A story, it cannot be called evidence, told by Uncas, relating to Ninigret's visit to the Dutch, is recorded by the commissioners, and which, if it amount to any thing, goes to prove himself guilty, and is indeed an acknowledgment of his own perfidy in taking Ninigret's boat and goods, as charged by Awashaw. It is as follows: 66 Uncas, the Mohegan sachem, came lately to Mr. Hains' house at Hartford, and informed him that Ninnigrett, sachem of the Niantick Narragansetts went this winter to the Monhatoes" and made a league with the Dutch gov ernor, and for a large present of wampum received 20 guns and a great box of powder and bullets. Ninigret told him of the great injuries he had sustained from Uncas and the English. That on the other side of Hudson's River, Ninigret had a conference with a great many Indian sagamores, and desired their aid to cut off the Mohegans and English. Also, that, about two years since, Ninigret "sent to the Monheage sacliem, and gave him a present of wampum, pressing him to procure a man skilful in magic workings, and an artist in poisoning, and send unto him; and he should receive more one hundredth fathom of wampum, which was to have been conveyed to the Monheage sachem, and the powaugh at the return of him that was to bring the poison. Uncas having intelligence of these things, caused a narrow watch to be set, by sea and land, for the apprehending of those persons; and accordingly took them returning in a canoe to the number of seven: whereof four of them were Narragansets, two strangers and one Pequatt. This was done in his absence, while he was with Mr. Haines, at Conecticott, and carried by those of his men that took them to Mohegan. Being there examined, two of them, the [Wampeage*] sachem's brother, and one Narraganset freely confessed the whole plot formerly expressed, and that one of their company was that powaugh and prisoner, pointing out the man. Upon this, his men in a rage slew him, fearing, as he said, least he should make an escape, or otherwise do either mischief to Uncas or the English, in case they should carry him with the rest before them, to Conecticott to be further examined. And being brought to Conecticott before Mr. Haines, and examined, did assert these particulars." An Indian squaw also informed "an inhabitant of Wethersfield, that the Dutch and Indians generally were" confederating to cut off the English, and that election day, [1654,] was the time set, "because then it is apprehended the plantations will be left naked and unable to defend themselves, the strength of the English colonies being gathered from the several towns. And the aforesaid squaw advised the said inhabitants to acquaint the rest of the English with it, desiring they would remember how dear their slighting of her former information of the Pequots coming upon the English cost them.”† It would seem, from a careful examination of the records, that something had been suggested either by the Dutch or Indians, about "cutting off the English," which justice to Ninigret requires us to state, might have been the case without his knowledge or participation. For, the testimony of the messengers of "nine Indian sagamores who live about the Monhatoes" no how implicates him, and, therefore, cannot be taken into account, any more than *See declaration onward in the records, (Haz, ii. 222.) + Referring to an affair of 1637, which Dr. I. Mather relates as follows: "In the interim, [while Capt. Mason was protecting Saybrook fort,] many of the Pequods went to a place now called Wethersfield on Connecticut River, and having confederated with the Indians of that place, (as it was generally thought,) they laid in ambush for the English people of that place, and divers of them going to their labor in a large field adjoining to the town, were set upon by the Indians. Nine of the English were slain upon the place, and some horses, and two young women were taken captive." Relation of the Troubles, &c. 26.-Dr. Trumbull says this happened in April. Hist. Con. i. 77. The cause of this act of the Pequots, according to Winthrop, i. 260, was this. An Indian called Sequin had given the English lands at Wethersfield, that he might live by them and be protected from other Indians. But when he came there, and had set down his wigwam, the English drove him away by force. And hence it was supposed that he had plotted the'r destruction, as above related, with the Pequots. what an Indian named Ronnessoke told Nicholas Tanner, as interpreted by another Indian called Addam; the latter, though relating to Ninigret's visit, was only a hearsay affair. Ronnessoke was a sagamore of Long Island. Addam also interpreted the story of another Indian, called Powanege, "who saith he came from the Indians who dwell over the river, over against the Monhatoes, where the plot is a working, that was this: that the Dutchmen asked the Indians whether they would leave them at the last cast, or stand up with them. And told the Indians they should fear nothing, and not be discouraged because the plot was discovered," &c. Addam the interpreter had also a story to tell. He said, "this spring [1653, O. S.] the Dutch governor went to Fort Aurania, [since Albany,] and first went to a place called Ackicksack, [Hackinsack,] a great place of Indians, from thence to Monnesick, [Minisink,] thence to Opingona, thence to Warranoke, thence to Fort Aurania: And so far he went in his own person. From thence he sent to Pocomtock, [Deerfield, on the Connecticut,] and he carried with him many note of sewan, that is, bags of wampum, and delivered them to the sagamores of the places, and they were to distribute them amongst their men; and withal he carried powder, shot, cloth, lead and guns; and told them he would get all the great Indians under him, and the English should have the scum of the Indians, and he would have those sagamores with their men t cut off the English, and to be at his command whenever he had use of thern, and he was to find them powder and shot till he had need of them. Further he sent one Govert, a Dutchman, to Marsey, on Long Island, to Nittanahom, the sagamore, to assist him and to do for him what he would have [him] do: But the sagamore told him he would have nothing to [do] with it: whereupon Govert gave the sagamore a great kettle to be silent. Nittanaham told him he had but 20 men, and the English had never done him wrong, [and] he had no cause to fight against them. Further, he saith that Ninnegrett, the fiscal,* and the Dutch governor were up two days in a close room, with other sagamores; and there was no speaking with any of them except when they came for a coal of fire, or the like. And much sewan was seen at that time in Ninnegret s hand, and he carried none away with him;" and that Ronnesseoke told him that the governor bid him fly for his life, for the plot was now discovered. Nevertheless, as for any positive testimony that Ninigret was plotting against the English, there is none. That he was in a room to avoid company, while his physician was attending him, is very probable. In a long letter, dated 26th May, 1653, which the governor of New Amsterdam, Peter Stuyvesant, wrote to the English, is the following passage:--"It is in part true, as your worships conclude, that, about January, there came a strange Indian from the north, called Ninnigrett, commander of the Narragan sets. But he came hither with a pass from Mr. John Winthrop. Upon which pass, as we remember, the occasion of his coming was expressed, namely, to be cured and healed; and if, upon the other side of the river, there hath been any assembly or meeting of the Indians, or of their sagamores, we know not [of it.] We heard that he hath been upon Long Island, about Nayacke, where he hath been for the most part of the winter, and hath had several Indians with him, but what he hath negotiated with them remains to us unknown: only this we know, that what your worships lay unto our charge are false reports, and feigned informations." The war with Ascassasôtic, of which we shall give all the particulars in our possession, was the next affair of any considerable moment in the life of Vinigret. In 1654, the government of Rhode Island communicated to Massachusetts, that the last summer, Ninigret, without any cause, "that he doth so much as allege, fell upon the Long Island Indians, our friends and tributaries," and killed many of them, and took others prisoners, and would not restore them. This summer he bath made two assaults upon them; in one whereof he killed a man and woman, that lived upon the land of the English, and within. * A Dutch officer, whose duty is similar to that of treasurer among the English. To light their pipes, doubtless-the Dutch agreeing well, in the particular of smɔking, with the Indians. 144 NINIGRET.-ASCASSASOTICK'S WAR. [Воок П. one of their townships; and another Indian, that kept the cows of the English." He had drawn many of the foreign Indians down from Connecticut and Hudson Rivers, who rendezvoused upon Winthrop's Island, where they killed some of his cattle. This war began in 1653, and continued “several years."† The commissioners of the United Colonies seemed blind to all complaints against Uncas; but the Narragansets were watched and harassed without ceasing. Wherever we meet with an unpublished document of those times, the fact is very apparent. The chief of the writers of the history of that period copy from the records of the United Colonies, which accounts for their making out a good case for the English and Mohegans. The spirit which actuated the grave commissioners is easily discovered, and I need only refer my readers to the case of Miantunnomoh. Desperate errors require others, oftentimes still more desperate, until the first appear small compared with the magnitude of the last! It is all along discoverable, that those venerable records are made up from one kind of evidence, and that when a Narraganset appeared in his own defence, so many of his enemies stood ready to give him the lie, that his indignant spirit could not stoop to contradict or parley with them; and thus his assumed guilt passed on for history. The long-silenced and borne-down friend of the Indians of Moosehausic, no longer sleeps. Amidst his toils and perils, he found time to raise his pen in their defence; and though his letters for a season slept with him, they are now awaking at the voice of day. When the English had resolved, in 1654, to send a force against the Narragansets, because they had had difficulties and wars with Ascassasótic, as we have related, Mr. Williams expressed his views of the matter in a letter to the governor of Massachusetts as follows:-"The cause and root of all the present mischiefs is the pride of two barbarians, Ascassasôtick, the Long Island sachem, and Nenekunat of the Narigenset. The former is proud and foolish, the latter is proud and fierce. I have not seen him these many years, yet, from their sober men, I hear he pleads, 1st. that Ascassasôlick, a very inferior sachem, (bearing himself upon the English,) hath slain three or four of his people, and since that sent him challenges and darings to fight and mend himself. 2d. He, Nenekunal, consulted by solemn messengers, with the chief of the English governors, Maj. Endicot, then governor of the Massachusetts, who sent him an implicit consent to right himself: upon which they all plead that the English have just occasion of displeasure. 3d. After he had taken revenge upon the Long Islanders, and brought away about 14 captives, (divers of them chief women,) yet he restored them all again, upon the mediation and desire of the English. 4th. After this peace [was] made, the Long Islanders pretending to visit Nenekunat at Block Island, slaughtered of his Narragansets near 30 persons, at midnight; two of them of great note, especially Wepiteammock's son, to whom Nenekunat was uncle. 5th. In the prosecution of this war, although he had drawn down the inlanders to his assistance, yet, upon protestation of the English against his proceedings, he retreated and dissolved his army. § The great Indian apostle looked not so much into these particulars, being entirely engaged in the cause of the praying Indians; but yet we occasionally meet with him, and will here introduce him, as an evidence against the proceedings of Uncas, and his friends the commissioners: "The case of the Nipmuk Indians, so far as by the best and most credible in telligence, I have understood, presented to the honored general court, [of Massachusetts,] 1. Uncas his men, at unawares, set upon an unarmed poor people, and slew eight persons, and carried captive twenty-four women and children. 2. Some of these were subjects to Massachusetts government, by being the subjects of Josias. || 3. They sued for relief to the worshipful governor and magistrates. 4. They were pleased to send, (by some Indians,) a commission to Capt. Denison, [of Stonington,] to demand these captives. 5. Uncas his * Manuscript documents. + Wood's Hist. Long Island. From the original letter, in manuscript, among the files in our state-house + Providence. answer was, (as I heard,) insolent. 6. They did not only abuse the women by filthiness, but have, since this demand, sold away (as I hear) some or all of those captives. 7. The poor bereaved Indians wait to see what you please to do. 8. You were pleased to tell them, you would present it to the free court and they should expect their answer from them, which they now wait for. 9. Nenecroft, yea, all the Indians of the country, wait to see the issue of this matter." * This memorial is dated 12th May, 1659, and signed by John Eliot; from which it is evident there had been great delay in relieving those distressed by the haughty Uncas. And yet, if he were caused to make remuneration in any way, we do not find any account of it. In 1660, "the general court of Connecticut did, by their letters directed to the commissioners of the other colonies, this last summer, represent an intolerable affront done by the Narraganset Indians, and the same was now complained of by the English living at a new plantation at Mohegan, viz: that some Indians did, in the dead time of the night, shoot eight bullets into an English house, and fired the same; wherein five Englishmen were asleep. Of which insolency the Narraganset sachems have so far taken notice, as to send a slight excuse by Maj. Atherton, that they did neither consent to nor allow of such practices, but make no tender of satisfaction." But they asked the privilege to meet the commissioners at their next session, at which time they gave them to understand that satisfaction should be made. This could not have been other than a reasonable request, but it was not granted; and messengers were forthwith ordered to "repair to Ninigret, Pessicus, Woquacanoose, and the rest of the Narraganset sachems," to demand "at least four of the chief of them that shot into the English house." And in case they should not be delivered, to demand five hundred fathoms of wampum. They were directed, in particular, to "charge Ninigret with breach of covenant, and high neglect of their order, sent them by Maj. Willard, six years since, not to invade the Long Island Indians; and [that they] do account the surprising the Long Island Indians at Gull Island, and murdering of them, to be an insolent carriage to the English, and a barbarous and inhuman_act." These are only a few of the most prominent charges, and five hundred and ninety-five fathoms of wampum was the price demanded for them; and "the general court of Connecticut is desired and empowered to send a convenient company of men, under some discreet leader, to force satisfaction of the same above said, and the charges of recovering the same; and in case the persons be delivered, they shall be sent to Barbadoes," § and sold for slaves. It appears that the force sent by Connecticut could not collect the wampum, nor secure the offenders; but for the payment, condescended to take a mortgage of all the Narraganset country, with the provision that it should be void, if it were paid in four months. Quissoquus, || Neneglud, and Scuttup, ¶ signed the deed. Ninigret did not engage with the other Narraganset chiefs, in Philip's war. Dr. Mather** calls him an "old crafty sachem, who had with some of his men withdrawn himself from the rest." He must at this time have been "an old sachem," for we meet with him as a chief, as early as 1632. Although Ninigret was not personally engaged in Philip's war, still he must have suffered considerably from it; often being obliged to send his people to the English, to gratify some whim or caprice, and at other times to appear himself. On 10 Sept. 1675, eight of his men came as ambassadors to Boston, “having a certificate from Capt. Smith," who owned a large Manuscript state paper. Record of the United Colonies, in Hazard. The additional ninety-five was for another offence, viz. "for the insolencies committed at Mr. Brewster's, in killing an Indian servant at Mrs. Brewster's feet, to her great affrightment, and stealing corn, &c., and other affronts." Hazard, ii. 433. Records of the United Colonies, in Hazard. The same called Quequegunent, the son of Magnus. Newcom and Awashars were witnesses. The deed itself may be seen on file among our State Papers. Grandson of Canonicus, son of Magnus, and brother of Quequegunent. ** Brief History, 20. + Captain Richard Smith, probably, who settled quite early in that country. We find him there 15 years before this. 146 NINIGRET.-DIVISION OF THE PEQUOTS. [Book II. estate in Narraganset. After having finished their business, they received a pass from the authorities to return to their own country. This certificate or pass was fastened to a staff and carried by one in front of the rest. As they were going out of Boston "a back way," two men met them, and seized upon him that carried the pass. These men were brothers, who had had a brother killed by Philip's men some time before. This Indian they accused of killing him, and in court swore to his identity, and he was in a few days hanged. Notwithstanding these affairs, another embassy was soon after sent to Boston. On the 15 September "the authority of Boston sent a party" to order Ninigret to appear there in person, to give an account of his sheltering Quaiapen, the squaw-sachem of Narraganset. He sent word that he would come "provided he might be safely returned back." Mr. Smith, "living near him, offered himself, wife and children, and estate, as hostages" for his safe return, and the embassy forthwith departed for Boston. A son, however, of Ninigret, was deputed prime minister, "he himself being very aged." Captain Smith accompanied them, and when they came to Roxbury they were met by a company of English soldiers, whose martial appearance so frightened them, that, had it not been for the presence of Mr. Smith, they would have escaped as from an enemy. They remained at Boston several days, until "by degrees they came to this agreement: That they were to deliver the squaw-sachem within so many days at Boston; and the league of peace was then by them confirmed, which was much to the general satisfaction; but many had hard thoughts of them, fearing they will at last prove treacherous." Ninigret was opposed to Christianity; not perhaps so much from a disbelief of it, as from a dislike of the practices of those who professed it. When Mr. Mayhew desired Ninigret to allow him to preach to his people, the sagacious chief "bid him go and make the English good first, and chid Mr. Mayhew for hindering him from his business and labor." § There were other Niantick sachems of this name, who succeeded Ninigret. According to the author of the "Memoir of the Mohegans," || one would suppose he was alive in 1716, as that writer himself supposed; but if the anecdote there given be true, it related doubtless to Charles Ninigret, who, I suppose, was his son. He is mentioned by Mason, in his history of the Pequot war, as having received a part of the goods taken from Captain Stone, at the time he was killed by the Pequots, in 1634. The time of his death has not been ascertained. The burying-places of the family of Ninigret are in Charlestown, R. L. It is said that the old chief was buried at a place called Burying Hill, "a mile from the street." A stone in one of the places of interment has this inscription:- "Here leth the Body of George, the son of Charles Ninigret, King of the Natives, and of Hannah his Wife. Died Decem". y 22, 1732: aged 6 mo.' "George, the last king, was brother of Mary Sachem, who is now, [1832,] sole heir to the crown. Mary does not know her age; but from data given by her husband, John Harry, she must be about 66. Her mother's father was George Ninigret. Thomas his son was the next king. Esther, sister of Thomas. George, the brother of Mary above named, and the last king crowned, died aged about 20 years. George was son of Esther. Mary has daughters, but no sons."¶ On a division of the captive Pequots, in 1637, Ninigret was to have twenty, "when he should satisfy for a mare of Eltweed** Pomroye's killed by his men." This remained unsettled in 1659, a space of twenty-two years. This debt certainly was outlawed! Poquin, or Poquoiam, was the name of the man who killed the mare. He was a Pequot, and brother-in-law to Miantunnomoh, and was among those captives assigned to him at their final dispersion, when Old Indian Chronicle, 30. Old Indian Chronicle, 32. TMS. In 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. ix. 83. ** Familiarly called Elty, probably from Eltwood. + Probably Catapazat. Douglas's Summary, ii. 118. communication of Rev. Wm. Ely. tt Hazard, ii. 188, 189. |