But I go further. Setting aside Bulgaria and Eastern Roumelia, is it really true that the rest of the territory has been restored to Turkey? Not a bit of it. The Treaty of San Stefano stipulated, in the 15th Article, that Turkey should no longer be independent, even in its most purely internal affairs. It stipulated that Turkey should give political institutions to all her European Provinces similar to those of Crete, which, practically, involve considerable independence. Unde rthe Treaty of San Stefano, therefore, the whole of Turkey was put under promise to Russia, and to the other Powers behind Russia, that certain privileges should be given to every one of the populations. That was a stipulation in the Treaty of San Stefano which made Russia the mistress of Turkey. What have you done with that? Have you thrown that out? Not a bit of it. You have adopted it in your Treaty of Berlin. You have put Turkey under a promise to all the Powers, for the whole of the rest of her territory, that she shall give Constitutions similar to that of Crete, and you retain in your own hands the power of judging whether she has or has not fulfilled that obligation. I say, under these circumstances, you have restored no part to Turkey. You have followed slavishly the Treaty of San Stefano. You have adopted all its main Articles, and by these Articles you have made Turkey a subject Power.

autonomous institutions. The principle | have been established under the Treaty of the Treaty is, that the people of of Berlin, between the people of Eastern Eastern Roumelia should be entitled to Roumelia and the Grand Turk. their complete autonomy in all internal affairs. It is, then, a mere quibble to say that in the full sense of the words this Province has been restored to Turkey. But even that is not all. The Sultan is not even to be allowed to put any troops within the territory except on the Frontier. The Militia is to be Native; and we know, from the ordinary sources of information, that the Mussulman population to a large extent have left the Province. Therefore, I say that in no proper sense of the words has this part of the 30,000 square miles of territory been restored to Turkey. You call it the direct government of the Sultan; but there never was a form of words more delusive. Now observe, my Lords, I am not now assuming you are going to fail in securing the execution of the Treaty of Berlin; on the contrary, I am supposing you will succeed in executing the whole of that Treaty-that you will succeed in carrying into effect the whole of its intentions; but what is the result? Can you really pretend to the people of this country that, under these circumstances and conditions, the 12,000 or 15,000 square miles of Eastern Roumelia out of the 30,000 square miles you profess to have restored to Turkey can in any sense of the words be said to have been so restored? I say, practically, that Province is withdrawn from Turkey; and I say, further, that, under your management, its influence has been added to that of Russia. One of the most wonderful sayings attributed to the noble Marquess-I do not know whether correctly or not-in his speech the other day to the Registration Society, to which I have already adverted, was when he enlightened the Conservative electors of the City of London by actually using this illustration-he said, setting aside details into which he would not enter, that the relations between Eastern Roumelia and the Sultan will be very much like the relations between the British Colonies and the Queen. I am about to visit the greatest of our Dependencies-the Dominion of Canada-and I shall be curious to learn whether the people there recognize this new doctrine in political philosophy, that the relations between Canada and the Queen are very much the same as the relations which

The Duke of Argyll

But, perhaps, it may be said-"It is very true we have adopted the provisions of the Treaty of San Stefano, but we could not help ourselves, and Turkey is now for the first time under Treaty obligations in regard to its most internal affairs; but, at least, we have substituted Europe instead of Russia." That would be a very fair answer if it were true; but it is not true. Under the Treaty of Paris of 1856, it is true that something like an Europe was constituted separate from the individual Powers; but under the Treaty of Berlin there is no Europe. What you have done is this-you have added your right to coerce Turkey to the right which Russia had already acquired for herself; but you have not constituted any joint authority. The Treaty of Paris provided that recourse was to be had to the United Powers before any

{MAY 16, 1879}

Majesty's Government.

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one of them went to war with Turkey. | tinguished English officer; while Russia You made no such provision. the Treaty of Berlin each and all the certainly would not have been impossible Under has no Fleet in the Black Sea; and it Powers have their separate rights of to prevent Russia acquiring Batoum, direct recourse against Turkey; and if we had employed our Fleet and the they may claim the fulfilment of the Turkish Fleet to prevent it. promise made not to Europe but to each and all the Powers. And, only, Government came But the what is more, I believe the noble Mar- honour of England to go to war with that it was not for the interest or to the conclusion quess was a special opponent of a pro- Russia to prevent her getting the harbour vision which was suggested by Russia of Batoum. The noble Marquess, in a that there should be some machinery speech the other day, said they gave up for carrying into effect the intentions many things for the sake of peace. By of the European Powers. The noble all means-it was quite right to give up Marquess resisted this-on what ground Batoum for the sake of peace. I never could really understand-but, you, who declined to go to war for the whatever his ground, the effect is this- harbour of Batoum, took revenge on that each and all the Powers have, future Governments by a Convention severally and separately, their recourse which compels future Governments to against Turkey in case of quarrel. Now, go to war with Russia if she acquire a under these circumstances, I main- single scrap more of territory in Asia tain that the Treaty of Berlin in all Minor. Conceive the rashness of that essential respects-so far as the inde- transaction. pendence of Turkey is concerned-is freedom, and I think wisely, in deternothing but a copy, with slight, com- mining not to go to war even to prevent You exercised your own paratively unimportant, and sometimes the most important acquisitions being mischievous, modifications of the Treaty made by Russia on the shores of the of San Stefano. Well then, perhaps, the Black Sea; but you determined as far noble Marquess may say "But then as you could to impair and hamper the we have the Asiatic Convention." must say, in regard to this Asiatic land, and to compel your country, very I freedom of future Governments of EngConvention, that I never did feel the possibly under most disastrous circumobjection to it which I have felt to stances, to go to war with Russia if she many other parts of the policy of Her should make any future acquisition Majesty's Government. It had, at least, even round the slopes of Ararat. this great advantage-that it confessed this a foreign policy of spirit and it to be quite wrong and impolitic to dignity? - is this guarantee to Turkey any part of her policy? Dominions without a corresponding pro- policy founded on, and essentially ina brave foreign mise of reform. It gave up the doctrine volving, a conspicuous example of politiIt seems to me of the patriots in this country that it cal cowardice. You have no right to a foreign was for the interests and honour of revenge yourselves on posterity for the England to maintain the Turkish Go- rebuff you have received in submitting vernment, whether it reformed itself to Russia. You ought to have left the or not. It admitted the principle that hands of the future English Governif we guaranteed Turkey in her territory ments as free as they were before; and she was bound to assure us of good go- I cannot conceive any Convention made vernment. The only objection I had to by an English Government less worthy it was that it was impossible to execute of them than this Convention, which you it. But look at the bearing of the con- know you cannot execute, but which will duct of the Government as to this Conven- | be a serious embarrassment to those who tion. I have already referred to the im- come after you. portance of the harbour of Batoum. If any one thing is certain in regard to this Eastern Question, it is this-that if England had chosen to insist, she might have prevented Russia acquiring Batoum. We had our Fleet-a very powerful one; Turkey also had a Fleet of considerable power, under the command of a dis

Is

this wonderful Treaty of Berlin. It leaves
Russia in full possession of the enormous
My Lords, I have not yet done with
subsidy which was imposed upon Turkey
by the Treaty of San Stefano. That
subsidy amounts
£50,000,000.
have taken care that this engagement to
to something like
"Oh!" you said, “we

future of Turkey is left in complete con- | at work teaching the Christian populafusion, with the most dangerous liabilities tions that their only safety lies in clingto this country. I do not know whether ing to Russia. At the beginning of my many of your Lordships realize this fact speech I referred to an address of the -at least I believe it to be a fact-that | Patriotic Society. How does Sir Henry besides the clauses of the Treaty of Layard reply to it? Why, he indulges Berlin which are taken verbatim or sub- in unmitigated abuse of the Bulgarians. stantially from the Treaty of San Stefano The Government of England are pledged -and these are the most important and to support this new Principality, in remost operative clauses-it must be held gard to which our Ambassador uses this that all the rest of the Treaty of San Ste-language— fano which is not affected by the Treaty "However bad the Turkish Government may of Berlin survives as between Russia and have been, it was a controlling body. You have Turkey. [The Marquess of SALISBURY now established a Bulgarian Nationality, which, dissented.] The noble Marquess shakes I fear, will be far worse than the Turks." his head; but I have seen a despatch Now, I do not say whether that is true from himself in which he says we have or untrue; but is that the kind of no right to interfere with regard to the language which you ought to encourage subsidy, because it was part of the on the part of the Ambassador of EngTreaty of San Stefano, and did not con- land? Sir Henry Layard is an old pertravene the Treaty of Berlin or the sonal friend of mine. I have received general law of Europe. Therefore, I kindness at his hands, and I admire the have a right to infer that those parts of ability and the energy of his character; the Treaty which are not against the but-and I say this painfully as a public general law of Europe and the Treaty duty-a man who goes back to Conof Berlin remain intact. Then there is stantinople at this time to see to the another point, and that is the identifica- execution of a Treaty which provides for tion of the interests of the populations this new Nationality violates in a grave of the South-East of Europe with Rus- manner his public duty when, being the sian interests. That I regard as a far Representative of England, he tells us more formidable result of the policy of that the Bulgarian Nationality will be Her Majesty's Government. It was an worse than the Turks. Well, I sum up important question whether the new the results in Europe by saying this:Principalities should or should not be in- That with this Treaty of Berlin, which dependent of Russia. I maintain that is a pale copy of the Treaty of San the identification of the feelings of the Stefano, we can afford to smile at your population of those Principalities with Parliamentary victories and to laugh Russia has been due mainly to your con- at our Own defeats. It was our duct. Have your Lordships read the desire - at least, it was mine- that account of the last day's proceedings of Turkey, as an Empire in Europe, should the late Bulgarian Assembly? The be destroyed. You have done that; or, name of England was never mentioned; rather, Russia has done it for you, and all the enthusiasm of the day was for the you have not ventured to interfere. Czar. The cheers were all for the Russian You have given your sanction, because Army, and the Russian Emperor was you could not help it, to all the main treated as the Liberator of the country-provisions of the Treaty of San Stefano, which, indeed, he has been. All the which reduce Turkey to a dependent gratitude of the country is given to State. I am not dissatisfied. Russia. My Lords, look at the actual results under the operation of this Treaty? Who has been elected Prince? The nephew of the Empress of Russia. Do you think there is no meaning in that act? You may regret it, but you cannot help it. By the large portion of the public which has been supporting you and egging you on, and which has given you your great majority in Parliament, that will be considered a significant fact. And you and your agents are still busy

Like a man who looks at some great savage beast which has received its death-wound, but which is still capable of mischief, I say-"Hold back! Do not sacrifice another life by putting him out of his pain. Internal bleeding will do the rest. Let him alone to die." As regards the flourish of the Government, when they returned from Berlin saying that they brought back "Peace with Honour," it seems to me that it was "Retreat with Boasting."

My Lords, if I had not taken a pro- | out of the determination of the noble minent part in this question, and been Marquess that we should have Englishresponsible for discussions on it out-of- men, and not Mahomedans, as our doors, I should have shrunk from the Agents in Afghanistan. There was no labour which I have undertaken to- quarrel with the Ameer about Native night; but I feel I should be guilty of Agents. He would have had as many shirking a public duty if, having said Mahomedan Agents as you like. "No," a good deal out of this House, I said the noble Marquess, "we cannot were to flinch from submitting my trust these Native gentlemen; their acopinions to the test of discussion, and to counts are so incomplete, and I doubt the fire of debate. I have still, there- whether they are perfectly faithful. We fore, to deal with results in Asia. On must have Englishmen." And that was the subject of the War in Afghan- the cause of the quarrel. I myself have istan the noble Earl at the head of the had the honour of being Secretary of Government made an appeal to me last State for India, and I deprecate the night to which I wish most heartily to mischief likely to arise from the doctrine respond. In looking back at these four that we cannot trust the Native Mayears, there is no part of the Eastern homedan gentlemen in India even to Question on which the Government has give us correct and faithful information. been more loyally supported, and on I believe it to be entirely untrue and which they have had a more triumphant unjust. I believe that the Native genmajority in this House. I am not at all tleman who was our Agent at Cabul for surprised at that. It seems to be perfectly many years, and who was chosen by my natural in the circumstances. This House noble Friend behind me (the Earl of was not consulted until it was too late, Northbrook) as a gentleman of ability and many noble Lords on both sides said and high honour, was as honest and as to themselves "Here is the Government upright a man as regards information as committed to a war. It is too late for any English gentleman you could get. us to interfere, and we must, in the cir- Indeed, Lord Lytton himself was obliged cumstances, support the Government." to compliment him, at a later stage of I perfectly understand the motive under the proceedings, on the conduct he purwhich the majority voted; but we must sued. I believe that this diplomatic look back a little to what was done quarrel-which, be it remembered, led before. I am not talking of the results ultimately to the war, on the sole ground which are still in the future, but of that the Ameer would not receive British things which have been done, and which officers-was a cruel and unjust charge cannot now be undone. I wish the against the Mahomedan gentlemen who House to remember that the history of are subjects of the Queen. the Afghanistan Question is distinctly divided into two separate parts. First, there was the diplomatic quarrel which ended in April, 1877; and then there was the subsequent quarrel with respect to the Russian Mission, which was the more immediate occasion of the war. I wish to make a few observations respecting the diplomatic quarrel which ended in April, 1877, and as to which Parliament was never informed. It was kept a profound secret from both Houses of Parliament -studiously kept secret. The first result which I find in the conduct of the Government is this. They have made a most offensive imputation against the Mahomedan subjects of the Queen. It is very singular that in all the public discussions of this question that I have seen the point to which I am now referring has hardly been noticed. The whole quarrel with Afghanistan arose

The Duke of Argyll

There is another result which I am very sorry to have to mention, but which I feel bound to mention, and I shall be very glad to have a satisfactory answer from the Government. It is one result of the conduct of the Government in this Afghanistan Question that it can be said, with too much truth, that the Government of India had shuffled with its public engagements. I maintain that by the 7th clause of the Treaty of 1857, entered into with Dost Mahomed, the father of Shere Ali, we were bound not to press British officers upon him. The rest of the Treaty was more or less temporary, but that was a surviving clause. Lord Lytton himself, after some attempts at evasion, was obliged to confess it; and I say that the diplomatic pressure which you placed on the Ameer was a direct violation of the 7th clause of that Treaty. Then, there