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Paris Bar, was also from Auvergne. He laboured there to carry my first election, and, immediately after it, presented me to the President of the Council. I had the kindest reception. Prince Polignac spoke to me of my father and of myself in terms, the remembrance of which yet moves me, and offered me the Ministry of Justice. I refused the offer on the ground of my political inexperience. There are some men,' he replied, 'who do not need experience.' This expression in his mouth pained me much, for I felt that he referred to himself. I was about to protest against such a view, when he added, 'You think me rash, but do not like to say so. Then I shall have more confidence in you than you have in me. Well! I should not perhaps have strength enough to carry all through successfully, if I was alone. But I will confide to you a matter that I have only let very few friends know. God assists me daily, by communications, as to the source of which I cannot be mistaken.' "At these words," said M. Berryer, "a perfect terror seized me. I saw at once the ruin of the Monarchy, and the era of revolutions reopened. I muttered a few incoherent words, and retired precipitately."

An anecdote about certain expressions used by M. Thiers the next day, is also worth perusal. He had come suddenly into the Bishop of Orleans' room, who was closeted with M. de Montalembert and M. de Falloux, when the latter said to him :

""Will you allow me to express freely to you a feeling which has haunted me since yesterday? You have shown us how the Revolution of July was due to a misunderstanding, and M. Berryer showed us that Charles X. no more desired to destroy public liberty than the Duke of Orleans to snatch the crown from him. Well! Ought France always to continue the victim of mere mistakes? Will you consent to say publicly what you have told us confidentially? .. Do you not fear that one day your country may write on your tomb: 'M. Thiers, who saw clearly all our ills, but would heal none?'"

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"No! no!" he replied, with an accent of profound resolution; "my country will never appeal to my patriotism in vain. . . . I am a Monarchist as much as you are, if in a somewhat different fashion. I am convinced of the superiority of the monarchical system, and I am especially convinced that the republican system and the French temperament are incompatible. When nothing more is needed than that we should come to an understanding about small matters, you will see that I will do for Monarchy what you have already seen me do for religion in conjunction with my venerated friend the Bishop of Orleans.'

'With these words M. Thiers rose and pressed the hand of the Bishop, who was moved to tears. I am convinced Thiers at that moment was sincere. There are various proofs of it. His conviction and language never varied till the terrible year 1871.'

M. de Falloux

M. de Falloux was a member of the Academy, and in 1857 had to be presented to the Emperor, because since its foundation that institution counted amongst its privileges the right of demanding an audience for such a purpose, without the formality of applying to a minister. It was its duty to inform the Chief of the State concerning each nomination, and these customs had been carefully adhered to through all the various regimes which had successively governed France. Napoleon III. liked these audiences, and he spoke on such occasions exceptionally well, if not taken suddenly aback. When in the preceding year he received the Duc de Broglie-who in his speech had praised the coup d'état of Napoleon I.-he said: 'I hope, Monsieur le Duc, that your grandson will speak of the 2nd of December as you have spoken of the Dix-huit Brumaire.' M. de Falloux was presented by M. Brifont in the usual, formal terms. But the Emperor interrupted him, saying, in a very gracious manner, 'Oh! I know M. de Falloux very well,' and after a short pause added the evidently premeditated words: 'M. de Falloux, public disorder brought us together, I regret that order has not re-united us.' His visitor had it in his mind to reply, 'Sire, this is not order;' but repressing it, he answered simply, 'I have always retained a grateful recollection of M. le Président's goodness to me.'

Three years later, it was our author's duty to go and announce to the Emperor the election of Père Lacordaire, who had dared from the pulpit to utter a most scathing denunciation of despotism. He therefore anticipated some Imperial epigram, when he officially asked the sanction of Lacordaire's election in the place of M. de Tocqueville. The Emperor merely said :—

"I sanction the election with pleasure, although I will not disguise from you that it appears to me a somewhat strange one, which has not been made with any intention of pleasing me.'

Thereupon followed a long and interesting colloquy, wherein M. de Falloux protested against the Imperial policy, the Emperor defending himself on the ground of the difficulties which surrounded him, and ending with the words:

"I have been pleased to see you and to hear what you say." 'He then squeezed my hand sadly and kindly as I withdrew. In the course of the long conversation the Emperor appeared oppressed

During the Revolution of 1830, when so many persons of different views assumed the tricolor for protection, M. Brifont refused to wear it. A workingman meeting him in the street addressed him with, Citizen! why do you not wear the badge of freedom?' To which he promptly replied, "Why, my friend, to show that I am free, to be sure.'

with melancholy, and hardly disguised the painful docility of his obedience to the secret difficulties he had referred to without explaining.'

M. de Falloux had no further relations with the Emperor. He was occupied with the interests of religion and Legitimacy, and broken-hearted at the loss of his most valued friends, Lacordaire, Berryer, and Montalembert. Soon afterwards war was declared, and the Empire fell.

The elections for the National Assembly took place during the armistice, and were the expression of the supreme need of peace which was felt by the nation. The fact that Gambetta and the Left advocated a continuance of the war was probably the cause of their electoral defeat, which would have been yet more crushing, had not the Right spontaneously given them a place on their lists. The Assembly, though very conservative as a whole, nevertheless included men of very divergent views. Yet more unfortunate was the ascendency which M. Thiers was universally allowed to exercise, as the great opponent of war and the principal negociator of peace.

When the Assembly removed to Versailles, M. de Falloux, on the 1st of July, 1871, took up his residence there,* and on that day received a visit from two secretaries of the Assembly.

"You have just come in time," they said joyously; "the Comte de Paris and the Duc de Chartres dine with Thiers to-day, and go to Belgium on Monday, where the Comte de Chambord is waiting Resisting their pressing invitation to be present, they promised him to return next day and tell him the result.

'They kept their word, and M. de Meaux, who came first, showed by his radiant appearance that all had gone well.

'It was the Monarchy that was the host yesterday in the house of the Republic. The Princes stood in the middle of the drawing-room, and the guests were presented to them by M. Thiers, who was no longer the master of the house. During dinner and all the evening, nothing was talked of but the reconciliation of the Royal Family. The Princes freely announced their intention of going to Bruges, where the Comte de Chambord resided, and every one warmly expressed good wishes.

* M. de Falloux, on account of his health, absolutely needed quiet, and this he obtained in a large house with a fine garden in the Rue de Satory, belonging to the Baroness de Freville, who had lent it to the Bishop of Orleans, whose mode of life just suited the Count's infirmities. The Bishop went to bed at nine and rose at five, going to work in his study before six, as soon as he had said his mass. Then the door-bell was muffled, and no one could come in who was not provided with a key. M. de Falloux, of course, had one, and was thus at his ease, being able, as he says, without causing any disturbance, to introduce into this little Orleans diocese almost worldly ways, not coming home till ten o'clock at night, and not getting up till seven or eight in the morning.' F "And

Vol. 168.-No. 335.

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"And how did M. Thiers speak?"-" Excellently! excellently! He seemed enchanted with the success of the two Princes, and spoke in the highest terms of the head of the house of France. Some one having said to him, 'Nothing is wanting at your dinner but the Comte de Chambord's presence,' he answered with vivacity, M. le Comte de Chambord would have been most welcome, and I do not despair of having that honour.""

2

The Monarchists had one day full of happiness; on the next, in the twinkling of an eye, all their hopes were overthrown by the following frigid letter, written in the third person, and addressed to the Comte de Paris ;

"M. le Comte de Chambord has been happy to learn the desire of the Comte de Paris to be received by him.

"M. le Comte de Chambord is in France. The moment then has arrived to explain himself on certain questions hitherto reserved. "He hopes that nothing he shall say will be an obstacle to that reunion of the house of Bourbon which has always been his most cherished desire.

"Nevertheless loyalty demands that the Princes, his cousins, should be informed beforehand, and M. le Comte de Chambord believes it to be his duty to ask M. le Comte de Paris to defer his visit a little till France has been made fully acquainted with his intentions. He would have wished to have received the visit of his cousin at Chambord, did he not think it undesirable to prolong his stay at the present moment.

"On leaving Chambord, he will go to Bruges, there to remain from the 8th to the 14th of July.

"BLOIS, 2 July, 1871."'

It was impossible, of course, for the Princes to refrain from making known the sudden obstacle which, from no fault of theirs, put a stop to their journey; but they did this with the greatest discretion.

No one in the Assembly would at first believe the news, crying,It is impossible; but they sooner or later learned that before going to Chambord the Count had passed four-andtwenty hours in Paris, where he had visited certain monuments and received a few friends in the strictest incognito. Amongst them was the Marquis de la Ferté, President of the Royalist Committee, appointed by the Count. He was a man who not only would have risked his life at the slightest sign from the King, but one who had repeatedly sacrificed his own sentiments with the most passive obedience. Nevertheless on this occasion his perception of the danger of the Count's projects made him resist, and, for the first time, he gave expression to his loyal alarm. Having exhausted his objections, he refused to remain

any

any longer the official representative of the retrograde policy, which was about to be initiated by the unexpected proclamation concerning the white flag. The Prince became enraged; his faithful servant vainly insisted and entreated; and they then separated never to see each other again. M. de la Ferté at once went to Versailles to the Bishop of Orleans and M. de Falloux. 'They anxiously questioned him, and he frankly answered us, and while he told his tale great tears fell from his eyes-tears which spoke much, for he was a large, powerful man, by disposition and inheritance essentially a soldier.' *

The Royalists in consternation quickly chose a Committee of Three to represent them to the Count. They were commissioned to say, 'The signature of the Manifesto would be an abdication, and the certain destruction of a monarchical restoration.' But all their efforts were in vain. The Count received every representation made to him with courtesy and calmness, and with a confidence, which did not admit of discussion, but which seemed to rest upon some supernatural assistance. Even his own intimates joined in the attempt to move him, but he remained inflexible, and would not even agree to give time for the Royalists of France to make their feelings known to him. The well-known fatal Manifesto from Chambord immediately appeared.

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The Bishop of Orleans received the Manifesto as we were rising from table. We read it with inexpressible sadness without saying a word. M. Vitel arrived a few minutes afterwards. He exclaimed, "Oh! blood of Charles X.!" and remained long silent, his head between his hands. M. Saint-Marc Girardin soon joined us, and was no less concerned. "We were so happy," he said, "at being at last reconciled and working together for the regeneration of our country. What now is to become of France, and what will be her destiny?

It was with reluctance and hesitation that M. de Falloux again visited M. Thiers, but he was very cordially received. "Well!" said the latter, "M. le Comte de Chambord conducts his affairs in a singular way! As for me, I did not desire the return of the Orleans Princes. I thought it rash and premature. It was the Count and his friends who forced my hand and brought them to Versailles, where they had success after success with the army and Assembly. And now it is the Count himself who breaks with his

* He had proved this in 1848, during the insurrection of June. Then a young garde mobile, scarcely sixteen years of age, had jumped upon a barricade to capture the red flag, and had fallen struck by a ball. Seeing M. de la Ferté spring forward to take his place, he exclaimed, 'Ah! you are in luck, you big fellow of the National Guard, you will get the flag.' 'No, my boy, I shall not; and taking him in his arms, he put the flag in his hand, and descended with his double load before the insurgents had time to fire again.

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