the Prince President was fully disposed to maintain friendly relations with this country, but if anything was likely to destroy that disposition it was the unjustifiable tone assumed towards him by a large portion of the public press. The noble Earl having, amidst loud applause, stated his views on this subject, proceeded to point out the dangers and uncertainties of the state of public affairs in France, and the necessity of adopting such measures of defence as might make invasion impossible. He promised his co-operation, and that of those who acted with him, for such a purpose. He then, in a warning tone, and from the example of France, vindicated the necessity of maintaining the territorial aristocracy of England-the best guarantee of constitutional government, and the surest conservators of a well founded liberty. The noble Earl proceeded to deal with the question of the disastrous war at the Cape, which had been attended by many blunders. Turning to the subject of Ireland, he expressed his surprise that the Government should have taken credit for the tranquillity of the south and west, which sprang from an emigration so vast as to be called "the exodus of the Irish people." In the north, their administration of justice for the purpose of suppressing outrage had experienced a double failure. From Ireland the noble Earl turned to the subject of the new constitution for New Zealand, and having disposed of that topic he reminded their Lordships that the financial prosperity of the country was founded on the unpopular income tax, and that the past year was one of serious commercial losses and low commercial profits. In conclusion, he expressed his conviction

that there were not five hundred reasonable men who considered a new Reform Bill necessary. The essential utility of the House of Commons was, that it appropriately represented all classes, that the large communities did not overpower the small, and he trusted that it was not intended to destroy the permanent influence of the land by increasing the already large democratic powers possessed by the great towns. If such was the principle of the new Bill he regarded it as a step in a dangerous direction, and would give it such opposition as lay in his power to offer.

Earl Grey was rejoiced that there was so much in the speech of the noble Lord with which he could concur. With reference to the state of agriculture he agreed with Lord Leigh that there was every reason to regard it hopefully; and those who thought that the present policy should be reversed ought, once for all, to bring their views forward for discussion, but first they ought to settle with their supporters whether it was a duty for protection or revenue that they wanted. As to Papal aggression, he had never looked to Acts of Parliament, but to the feelings and convictions of the mass of the people as our safest defence, but the Act which had passed last year was not a dead letter. He cordially concurred with the noble Earl in the tribute he had paid to the character and talents of the noble Lord the late Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and he regretted deeply that circumstances had deprived Her Majesty's Government of the benefit of his counsels. He entirely joined in repudiating the tone of the public press with reference to France. He confided in the amicable as

surances received from foreign Powers, but thought that something should be done to place the country in a state of greater security. As to the emigration from Ireland, it was a voluntary effort, which had only fulfilled his anticipations, and was carried on without expense to the country, and in a manner most honourable to the Irish character. He believed that Ireland would improve greatly under the process, but the security of life and property there must first be established. The noble Earl defended, or rather apologised for, his colonial policy in New Zealand. He vindicated, also, the financial relaxations of recent years; and with reference to the contemplated measure respecting the representation, he assured the House that the existing balance of political power among classes would not be disturbed.

Lord Brougham said that he entirely agreed with what had fallen from the Earl of Derby and Earl Grey as to the tone of the press of this country in discussing the internal affairs of France and the character and conduct of the Prince President. The noble Lord denounced in strong terms the outrages against the security of human life now taking place in the north of Ireland, which he said must be put down at all hazards.

The Earl of Harrowby stated his impression that the public press had faithfully expressed the opinion of the country with reference to French affairs, and as an individual peer he could not omit that opportunity of saying that the newspapers had a perfect right to discuss openly and fearlessly the political and social condition of their nearest neighbours, as they did the state of Austria, Russia, or any other continental Power.

After a few words from the Earl of Malmesbury, who agreed with the noble Lords who had expressed regret at the language used by the English press towards France, the motion for the address was agreed

to nem. con.

In the House of Commons, Sir Richard Bulkely was the mover of the Address to the Throne. He said, that during the period he had sat in Parliament he had seen the most cherished institutions of the country improved and strengthened. The Throne never stood firmer in the affections of the people; the Church of England had been greatly extended; the revenue was more equitably raised : education had been reduced to something like a system; commerce had been extended, and monopoly abolished. The country had been preserved from European wars, and blessed with domestic tranquillity; and, above all, the condition of the people had been greatly improved. All these beneficial changes he attributed to the sound policy and enlightened views of a reformed Ministry. Adverting to our foreign relations, the hon. Baronet remarked that it was impossible for England not to sympathise with countries struggling for liberty; and to the unfortunate of all nations it was England's duty and privilege to extend an asylum. Should remonstrances be made against such protection and hospitality, they must be disregarded, let the remonstrants be who they may. Beyond that point, however, this country must not go. While admitting the propriety of enlarging and strengthening the national defences, he could not sympathise with that alarm which had been expressed for the safety of our

country. To him it appeared preposterous that a nation which six weeks ago deemed herself the mistress of the sea should be seized with a panic about the invasion of her shores. The hon. Baronet proceeded to express his satisfaction at the announcements in the Royal Speech, on the subject of the reform of the Court of Chancery and the extension of the suffrage. He concluded by reading the Address, which, as usual, was a mere echo of the Speech.

Mr. Bonham Carter seconded the adoption of the Address. England had long ceased to entertain hostile feelings towards other countries, but it was her duty to take care that she was in a position to hold her own. With regard to the internal prosperity of the country, it was in a satisfactory condition, as was shown by the increase which had taken place in our mercantile marine, and the state of the home market.

Sir B. Hall, without offering any opposition to the Address, but adverting to the first paragraph of the speech from the Throne, and to the change which had taken place in the department of the Government charged with the administration of our foreign policy, asked Lord John Russell to give the House and the country some explanation of what had led to this change. Sir Benjamin justified his question by reference to precedent, and mentioned certain facts connected with this change, with a view, he said, of eliciting information as to the cause of the dismissal or resignation of Lord Palmerston. Lord John Russell declared his perfect readiness to answer the question addressed to him by Sir B. Hall, though he could not do so without entering into some details.

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The noble Lord prefaced his statement by making a full and frank acknowledgment of the energy, the ability, and extensive knowledge of the interests of the country in all parts of the world, which pre-eminently distinguished his noble Friend, and then proceeded to explain the circumstances which had rendered it impossible, he deeply regretted to say, for him to act any longer with him as a colleague. "It will be right," said the noble Lord, that I should first state to the House what I conceive to be the position which a Secretary of State holds as regards the Crown in the administration of foreign affairs, and as regards the Prime Minister of this country. With respect to the first, I should state that when the Crown, in consequence of a vote of the House of Commons, places its constitutional confidence in a Minister, that Minister is, on the other hand, bound to afford to the Crown the most frank and full detail of every measure that is taken, or to leave to the Crown its full liberty, a liberty which the Crown must possess, of saying that the Minister no longer possesses its confidence.

Such I hold to be the general doctrine. But, as regards the noble Lord, it did so happen that in August, 1850, the precise terms were laid down in a

communication on the part of her Majesty with respect to the transaction of business between the Crown and the Secretary of State. I became the organ of making that communication to my noble friend, and thus became responsible for the document I am about to read from. I shall refer only to that part of the document which has reference to the immediate subject:

"The Queen requires, first, that Lord Palmerston will distinctly state what he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly to what she is giving her Royal sanction. Royal sanction. Secondly, having once given her sanction to a measure, that it be not arbitrarily altered or modified by the Minister. Such an act she must consider as failing in sincerity towards the Crown, and justly to be visited by the exercise of her constitutional right of dismissing that Minister. She expects to be kept informed of what passes between him and the foreign Ministers before important decisions are taken, based upon that intercourse; to receive the foreign despatches in good time; and to have the drafts for her approval sent to her in sufficient time to make herself acquainted with their contents before they must be sent off. The Queen thinks it best that Lord John Russell should show this letter to Lord Palmerston."

I sent that accordingly, and received a letter in which the noble Lord said::

"I have taken a copy of this memorandum of the Queen, and will not fail to attend to the directions which it contains."

The first important transaction in which Lord Palmerston had taken part since the end of the last session of Parliament, was his reception of a deputation of delegates from certain metropolitan parishes, respecting the treatment of the Hungarian refugees by the Turkish Government. On this occasion he (Lord John Russell) thought that his noble friend had exhibited some want of due caution, but he gave him the credit of supposing that this was through an oversight. The next occasion to

which he thought it necessary to refer, related to the events which had taken place on the 2nd of December, in France. The instructions conveyed to our Ambassador from the Queen's Government were to abstain from all interference in the internal affairs of that country. Being informed of an alleged conversation between Lord Palmerston and the French ambassador repugnant to these instructions, he (Lord John) had written to that noble Lord, but his inquiries had for some days met with a disdainful silence, Lord Palmerston having meanwhile, without the knowledge of his colleagues, written a dispatch containing instructions to Lord Normanby, in which he, however, evaded the question, whether he had approved the act of the President. The noble Lord's course of proceeding in this matter he considered to be putting himself in the place of the Crown, and passing by the Crown, while he gave the moral approbation of England to the acts of the President of the Republic of France, in direct opposition to the policy which the Government had hitherto pursued. Under these circumstances, he (Lord John Russell) had no alternative but to declare that while he was Prime Minister Lord Palmerston could not hold the seals of office, and he had assumed the sole and entire responsibility of advising the Crown to require the resignation of his noble friend, who, though he had forgotten and neglected what was due to the Crown and his colleagues, had not, he was convinced, intended any personal disrespect. Lord John deprecated in very earnest terms all harsh criticism upon the conduct of the ruler of France, who, he believed,

was desirous of being on terms of amity with us, and he distinguished between extending to foreign exiles our ancient hospitality and indulging in intemperate judgment on the policy of other nations.

He (Lord John Russell) was more particularly anxious to declare the pacific disposition of the British Government towards France and the earnest desire of Her Majesty's advisers to maintain friendly relations with that country, because it would be their duty, as intimated in Her Majesty's Speech, to propose some augmentation of the estimates. When the proper time came, he trusted to be able to show that the proposed measures were no more than those necessary precautions which it was the duty of every prudent State to adopt. "It is impossible not to see that, in the great changes which have taken place in the world within these few years, among other arts, the art of war has been improved, and that it is necessary when there is-as there always is-a possibility of war, to be prepared for our defence. But, really, to see some of the letters which have been published, and to hear some of the language that has been used, it would seem that these two great nations, so wealthy, so civilized, so enlightened, were going to butcher one another, merely to see what would be the effect of percussion shells and needle guns! (Cheers and laughter.) I trust those fears are only temporary; I am convinced the solid and deliberate opinion of this country and of this House is for peace (Loud cheers) for the continuance of the most permanent and solid peace; and I own I think it the greatest blessing the nations of Europe can enjoy. But there is something

more which, if I may be permitted, I shall point out to the attention of the House. Four years ago we were astonished with accounts of insurrection in various capitals of Europe; day after day we heard of revolts and outbreaks, and were made acquainted with the intelligence of the establishment of the most democratic constitutions. I heard opinions of some in this House expressing their great joy at the establishment of those constitutions; but I could not participate in their joy or in their grief. I looked on those events with mixed feelings. I was glad of whatever would promote the prosperity of the nations of Europe, but I was by no means confident those changes would have that result. We have seen four years go over, and we have seen in almost all those countries that these democratic constitutions have been destroyed, and that absolute powers have been put in their place. For instance, there is that little country of Tuscany, where I lived for several months under the indulgent rule of a mild and enlightened governor. We have seen that Government overturned by a democracy, and the Grand Duke driven from his dominions by the party which seeks what is called Italian unity; but we have seen that democratic Government suppressed, and the Grand Duke restored to power by a foreign force occupying his chief town, and which has its subsistence provided by the diminishing means of the State, while the Italians have made no more progress than before. In Austria, again, the constitution which had been given to the people has been since strangled in its birth, and absolute power restored. In Hesse, likewise, force has been used to put