only the whole of the Customs duties, but also all the incidences and pressure of domestic and local taxation-any scheme, I say, so large and extensive, requires to be dealt with by a Government strong, not only in the confidence of the country, but also in the confidence of Parliament, and capable of carrying its measures with a degree of care, and foresight, and deliberation, which no one can afford suddenly at the commencement of a Parliamentary session. I know, my Lords, that in the other House of Parliament my colleagues and I are in an undoubted minority. I do not know whether we can command a majority even here, in this House, which I now have the honour of addressing. But the same motives which induced me to sacrifice all other considerations to avoid the responsibility of leaving the Sovereign and the country at this time without an Administration, induce me to think that the public interest would not be consulted by any interruption for a considerable period of the sitting of the other House of Parliament at this period of the year, and in the present circumstances of the world. While, my Lords, I am aware that, with the view of carrying out the policy which I consider to be advantageous to the interests of the country, I should state frankly, and without reserve, my own opinions-while I make this confession, I must also confess that, situated as we are, we have a much humbler, but, at the same time, a more useful part to perform. I avow, my Lords, again, that we cannot depend on a majority in the other House of Parliament; and I avow that, in the face of this conviction, I have not declined the responsibility which has been thrown upon me. I know that, in conducting the affairs of the country, we shall have to appeal to the forbearance of our opponents, and likewise to the indulgence of our friends. But, my Lords, I have that confidence in the good sense, judgment, and patriotism of the other House, which induces me to believe that it will not unnecessarily introduce subjects of a controversial and party character, for the mere purpose of interrupting the course of sound and useful legislation, and of driving the Government out of that moderate and temperate course which it has prescribed to itself. I think, my Lords, that, without dealing with such questions, we have subjects enough of a useful social character fully to occupy our time, and even that of the other House of Parliament. If, avoiding all unnecessary party measures, we apply ourselves to those great objects which the country has so long been expecting-measures of legal reform, for improving and simplifying the administration of law and justice; and measures of social reform, for improving the condition and comforts of the people,-I believe that, even with a minority in the House of Commons, we shall not be uselessly or dishonourably conducting the affairs of the country, and I am confident, that if we are interrupted by a factious opposition, that factiousness will, at no distant period, recoil on those who pursue it." Lord Derby proceeded to state that it was not his intention to adopt and carry out the measure of representative reform proposed by Lord John Russell, which he characterised as an indefinite plan for unsettling everything and settling nothing, and which began by exciting the country, and finished by dissatisfying it. He had heard, indeed, that this scheme of franchise reform was to be combined with one for enormously improving the education of the country, though he could not quite see the connection between the two subjects, and for this reason he begged distinctly to state, that by education he did not mean the mere acquirement of temporal knowledge, or the development of the intellectual faculties, but that education which was built on the basis of all knowledge the study of the Scriptures. For the promotion of such education he relied with confidence on the enlightened exertions of the parochial clergy of the Established Church. To uphold that Church in its integrity was not only the interest, but the duty, of Government, which, while it tolerated the religious faith of other persuasions, was bound to extend the influence of the Church of England, and to lend it every assistance in diffusing through the land the knowledge of divine truth. The noble Lord concluded his speech by declaring that he had undertaken the governing of the country, trusting to the blessing and guidance of Divine Providence; and he solemnly disclaimed all motives of personal ambition in accepting that dangerous elevation to which he had been raised by the favour of his Sovereign. In the discharge of the duties of that post," he declared, 66 no consideration shall sway me, except that which led me to accept it-the paramount consideration of public duty. With that feeling on my mind, with the deep conviction of the sincerity of my own motives, and trusting to the guidance of a higher Power than my own, I venture to undertake a task from which I might have shrunk appalled by its magnitude; and be the period of my administration long or short, not only shall I have attained the highest object of personal ambition, but I shall have fulfilled one of the highest ends of human being, if, in the course of it, I can have in the slightest degree advanced the great objects of 'peace on earth, goodwill towards men,' the social, the moral, the religious improvement of my country-'the safety, honour, and welfare of our Sovereign and her dominions."" (General cheering.) Earl Grey said he would not attempt to enter at length upon the various topics discussed by Lord Derby, but he could not help entering his protest against the inferences drawn by the noble Earl from a comparison between the American tariff and our system of free trade. He must also express his consternation at hearing that a tax on the food of the country was contemplated by the Government. After some observations from Lord Derby, who explained that he had distinctly said that the question could only be solved by the intelligent portion of the community, and that it was not the intention of the Government to make any proposition on the subject at present, Earl Grey expressed himself greatly relieved, but implored Lord Derby not to keep the country in suspense on a matter concerning which it had a right to early information. Earl Fitzwilliam regretted that Lord Grey, instead of taking a comprehensive view of Lord Derby's speech, had selected one particular topic, and that the most exciting, for discussion and com England.} ment. He differed altogether from Lord Grey in the view he had taken respecting the effect of a moderate duty in raising the price of corn in general, and declared that he had heard almost the whole of Lord Derby's speech with considerable satisfaction. He was especially glad to find that the noble Earl was prepared to resist the invasion of constitutional rights, for if such rights were continually attacked, he believed a large portion of the community would come to the opinion that it would be better to live under a mild and tranquil despotism. The Marquis of Clanricarde defended Lord Grey, and pressed Lord Derby for an early statement respecting his commercial policy. The Earl of Aberdeen was anxious to take the very first opportunity which presented itself, to declare, as the intimate colleague of the late Sir Robert Peel, his determination to adhere to the free-trade policy of that lamented statesman. He thought the distinctions drawn by Lord Derby on this subject were shadowy and unreal, and for his part he should oppose a duty on corn, whether for revenue or protection. The foreign policy laid down by the noble Lord met with his unqualified approbation, and he might rely on his cordial support. After a few words from Lord Brougham, the discussion terminated. In the House of Commons a number of new writs were moved for in respect to seats vacated by On it being the new Ministers. moved that the House do adjourn to the 12th March, Mr. Spooner took occasion to say that he should not abandon his intention of moving for an inquiry into the system of education pursued at Maynooth, which he pledged himself to bring under the notice of Parliament at the earliest opportunity. The House then adjourned to the 12th of March. CHAPTER III. THE NEW GOVERNMENT:-Attempts made by the Opposition to elicit a distinct Statement of their intended Commercial Policy-Guarded Language of Lord Derby-Various Discussions in both Houses on the subject of Free Trade, and on the period of dissolving Parliament -Measures of the Administration. THE MILITIA BILL:-It is introduced by the Home Secretary, in an able Speech, on the 29th of MarchHe enters at some length into the subject of National Defences-Details of the Plan for organizing the Militia-Observations of Mr. Hume, Sir De Lacy Evans, Mr. M. Gibson, and Lord Palmerston, who expresses a general approval of the Measure, Lord John Russell, who pronounces no decided opinion, Mr. Cobden, Major Beresford, Mr. Fox Maule, Mr. Hobhouse, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Bright, Mr. Roebuck, and other Members-Leave given to bring in the Bill-On the Motion for the Second Reading on the 23rd April, an important Debate takes place, which is continued for Two Nights, by Adjournment-Sir De Lacy Evans moves that the Bill be read a Second Time that Day Six Months-He is supported by Lord John Russell, Mr. Frederick Peel, Mr. Rich, Mr. Ellice, Admiral Berkeley, Mr. Bernal, Mr. M. Gibson, and Mr. Roebuck-The Second Reading is advocated by Lord Palmerston, Lord Seymour, Mr. M. Milnes, Mr. Cardwell, Mr. Sidney Herbert, and Mr. Walpole, and is carried by 355 to 165-Great effect of this Division in strengthening the Position of the Government-Much Opposition is made to the Bill in Committee, and many Amendments are moved, but without success— -Certain Modifications proposed by Ministers are adopted-A Debate arises on the Third Reading, which Mr. Rich moves to postpone for Six Months -He is supported by Mr. Mackinnon, Mr. Headlam, Mr. Ewart, and Mr. B. Osborne-The Solicitor-General vindicates the Bill, and other Members speak on the same side-The Third Reading is carried by 187 to 142-The Bill is passed--The Second Reading is moved in the House of Lords by the Earl of Derby on the 15th of June-His Speech-The Marquis of Lansdowne refrains from opposing the Bill, but expresses doubts as to its efficacy-Emphatic and interesting Speech of the Duke of Wellington-Earl Grey opposes the Bill-The Earl of Ellesmere supports it, and enters into a consideration of the State of the National Defences-The Second Reading is voted nem. con., and the Bill becomes Law. were THE new Administration orice than a contest commenced between the opposing parties in Parliament, which was carried on for some unie, with skilful tactics, on both sides. The object of the Opposition was to extract from the Go vernment a distinct declaration, whether they had or had not abandoned the policy of Protection, anticipating, that whatever answer might be given to this question, the effect would be to damage the Ministry with one or another portion of the public. If, on the one hand, an abandonment of the cause of commercial restriction were proclaimed, it was reasonably expected that the staunch adherents of that policy in the country, and a large section of the agricultural interest, might take offence at such a desertion of their cause. If, on the other hand, a reversal of the free-trade system were held out, such was the popularity of those principles throughout the country, that it was confidently hoped that an appeal to the people against the reactionary policy of the Government would create a great diversion in favour of their opponents. While, with these views, the Whig leaders laboured earnestly to extract a decided and categoric statement of the Ministerial intentions, the Earl of Derby and his colleagues, on the other hand, exerted all their caution and address to avoid falling into a dilemma. The Premier stood firm to his originally declared intention of abiding by whatever verdict the country might pronounce at the forthcoming general election on the merits of free trade. If that verdict were favourable, he avowed his intention, notwithstanding his own opinions on the subject remained unchanged, to accept and adhere to the decision of the country. If the issue should be different, he was equally prepared to give effect to the public wishes. This resolution was announced by the noble Earl, and his colleagues in the House of Commons, on several occasions, when the intended policy of the new Government was made the subject of discussion. We shall give a summary of some of the more important debates that took place on this interesting question. The first of these occasions was on the 15th of March, upon the presentation of a petition by Lord Beaumont, from certain inhabitants of the West Riding of Yorkshire, praying that they might be relieved from the uncertainty which existed as to the maintenance of free trade. The noble Lord having stated at some length the opinions he entertained on that important question, concluded by imploring Lord Derby to declare distinctly whether or not it was the intention of the Government to recommend an alteration of the present policy with respect to the importation of corn, as soon as a new Parliament could be assembled. Lord Derby, having apologized for his inability to answer categorically a question which it had taken so long to propose, and having disposed very happily of the thirteen persons, holding together 1800 acres of land, who had signed the petition presented by the noble Lord, went on to deny that there was any greater necessity for the solution of the freetrade question now than before the accession to power of the present Government. A great party in the country had declared that the question could only be solved by a general election, and in proportion as the formation of the present Government rendered the prospect of such an election more immediate, in the same proportion did its accession to power render the solution of the question more |