as a con Upon the accession of our gracious Queen, and until Q. Victoria after her marriage with Prince Albert, her Majesty has stitutional confessed that she permitted herself to be influenced by sovereign. 'strong feelings of partisanship,' in favour of the Whigs, who were then in power. But the prince early understood the position which it becomes the sovereign of Great Britain to hold between conflicting political parties, and the line of conduct which, as the consort of that sovereign, it was right for him to observe.' He therefore held himself aloof from all the trammels of party, its jealousies and animosities, and resolutely abstained from even the appearance of political partisanship. And not only so, but the feelings of that nature by which the Queen so candidly admits that she was herself biassed at this time, soon ceased to show themselves, under the influence of his judicious counsels; and all parties have long borne willing testimony to the cordial and constitutional support which, when charged with the administration of the government, each party in turn received from the Queen, and from the prince as her natural confidential adviser." m The staunch friend and adviser, both of the Queen and of the prince, Baron Stockmar, was strenuous in inculcating the obvious, but hitherto much neglected doctrine,—which had been acted upon by her Majesty's uncle, King Leopold, in Belgium, with marked success, that the monarch belongs to the nation, and must never be made use of for the purposes of party. According to Stockmar, much indeed of her Majesty's political bias seems to have arisen from Lord Melbourne's influence. The tendency to identify herself too exclusively with the Whigs, seems partly to have been promoted and partly tolerated by Melbourne, who did not duly estimate the injury he was thereby inflicting upon the office of the sovereign." In his wise and patriotic endeavour to inculcate upon her Majesty the duty of strict neutrality in political 1 Grey, Early Years of the Pr. Consort, pp. 276, 284, 327. m Stockmar's Memoirs, v. 1, pp. lxvii.-lxix. Ib. pp. 388-390. matters, Prince Albert was ably seconded by Lord Melbourne, the then prime minister, who, though himself a Whig, took the opportunity of the royal marriage to urge upon the Queen that the time had come when she 'should have a general amnesty for the Tories.' And upon another occasion, speaking of the Tories, against whom the Queen was very irate, Lord Melbourne said, You should now hold out the olive-branch a little.' • The Queen's predilection for the Whigs at the commencement of her reign may be easily accounted for. It was partly attributable to her personal regard for Lord Melbourne, who guided her first steps as a sovereign with the most affectionate and loyal care, initiating her into the performance of her exalted functions in such a commendable spirit as to lead the Duke of Wellington to bear public testimony to his eminent services in teaching her Majesty how to preside over the destinies of the empire. It was also fostered and increased by certain proceedings in Parliament in relation to the naturalisation of Prince Albert, and the sum to be granted for the expenses of his household, wherein the Tory opposition evinced an unusual degree of party asperity." These circumstances, however, although sufficient to account for and to explain her Majesty's bias, afforded no justification for it, as she herself has simply and touchingly confessed. But allowance must be made for the Queen's youth and inexperience at this trying juncture: the more so, as since her marriage she has uniformly co-operated, in the most frank and confidential manner, with every leading statesman, of whatever party, who has at any time been called to her councils." And while her Majesty has never refrained from intercourse with the leaders of the party in opposition to her government, her conduct upon such occasions has not been liable, in any degree, to misconstruction." t The sovereign is not present at meetings of the Cabinet Council. Formerly, as we have seen, a different practice prevailed. But it needs no argument to prove that, in order to be impartial, the deliberations of the responsible advisers of the crown upon affairs of state must be private and confidential. Nevertheless the sovereign retains the right of initiation of any public question, and is at liberty to invite the consideration of ministers to any scheme or measure affecting the public welfare which may have engaged the royal attention." Until ministers have come to an understanding as to the advice they will tender to their sovereign, upon any particular subject, it would be premature for them to communicate with the crown thereon. The premier himself is under no obligation, either of duty or of courtesy, to confer with the sovereign upon any matter which is still under the consideration of the cabinet. But so soon as any principles are settled, or any project, Decisions or line of policy, has been agreed to, with a view either of cabinet to legislative or administrative action, it becomes the duty of the premier, as the minister in whom the crown has placed its constitutional confidence, to take the royal pleasure thereupon; and to afford his sovereign an opportunity for the exercise of 'that constitutional criticism. in all departments of the state,' which is the right and duty of the crown, and which in its operation is confessedly most salutary' and efficacious. 6 • Earl Granville, Hans. D. v. 208, p. 1069. See ante, p. 146. "See ante, vol. 1, p. 308. Martin, Pr. Consort, v. 2, pp. 433-445; v. 3, pp. 146, 382. Mr. Disraeli, Hans. D. v. 188, p. 1113. And see his speech on the Queen's duties, at Hughenden, on Sept. 26, 1871. See also Martin, VOL. II. Pr. Consort, v. 2, p. 308. But see S to be sub mitted for approval; the royal Neglect of this rule by Mr. Pitt in 1801; his de A neglect of this rule by Mr. Pitt in 1801, upon the agreement of his colleagues with him as to the expediency of a certain concession to the claims of the Roman Catholics, led to his loss of office, and to the withdrawal of the king's confidence from the ministry.w It is somewhat remarkable that Mr. Addington, who succeeded Mr. Pitt as prime minister, should also have exposed himself to the charge of forgetting the deference due to his sovereign, when, in 1803, he made overtures to Mr. Pitt to resume the premiership without having been authorised to do so by the king. Mr. Pitt's reply was, that, before considering the matter, he should first desire to know what his Majesty's wishes might be on the subject.' He afterwards communicated to Mr. Addington the exact conditions upon which alone he would consent to take office; but intimated that any discussion thereof must be considered merely as common conversation.' Adding that he must be fully acquainted with his ference to Majesty's pleasure, before he could say a word or pronounce a name which should be considered as binding.' These terms proved to be unacceptable to the Cabinet, and the negotiation ended, whereupon Mr. Pitt declared that he would 'in future receive no overtures but such as might be made by the express command of his Majesty.' Several days afterwards, Mr. Addington informed the king of the matter, and offered to lay before him the whole correspondence. But his Majesty, being annoyed that he had not been earlier consulted, refused to read the letters, or to take any notice of them. Two days later he said to Lord Pelham, 'It is a foolish business from one end to the other. It was begun ill, conducted ill, and terminated ill.'z the king on a later occasion. In 1828, when the Duke of Wellington (then prime minister) was meditating the concession of Roman Catholic emancipation, with a view to the pacification of Ireland, he submitted the case in a memorandum to the king, before communicating on the subject with any of his colleagues; asking permission of his Majesty for the cabinet to consider the question. The king allowed the matter to be taken up, but would pledge himself to nothing, until he should be in possession of the plan.a In 1854, Lord Aberdeen (the premier) stated, in the House of Lords, that it was proposed to set apart a day of humiliation and See ante, vol. 1, p. 146. Russell's Life of Fox, v. 3, p. 202. Stanhope's Pitt, v. 3, pp. 268-276. Mr. Pitt afterwards blamed himself for not having earlier endeavoured to reconcile the king to the measure about the Catholics.' Ib. p. 287. And Lewis's Letters, p. 327. * See Sir G. C. Lewis's remarks on this affair, ante, vol. 1, p. 151. Stanhope's Pitt, v. 3, p. 432; v. 4, p. 32. Ib. v. 4, pp. 36, 37. Jesse, George III. v. 3, p. 308. See ante, vol. 1, p. 185. Wellington Desp. 3rd S. v. 4, pp. 564, 573. prayer for the success of our arms in the pending war with Russia. But her Majesty had not been previously informed of this intention; and as she felt strongly on the subject, she wrote to Lord Aberdeen, expressing her surprise at the announcement. She also suggested an important modification of the idea, as to the character of the services to be used, which was afterwards carried out, and heartily responded to by the nation.b matters vious of the crown. It may seem difficult to determine, in every instance, What precisely what matters ought to receive the assent of require the crown, beforehand, and what may be properly the preundertaken at the discretion and upon the responsibility sanction of the several heads of executive departments. But this much, at any rate, is clear, that no important acts of government, which would commit the crown to a definite action, or line of policy, which had not already received the royal approbation, should be undertaken without the previous sanction of the sovereign. This rule is not meant to apply to the ordinary course of official communications, but to such only as, to any extent, may initiate a new line of policy, or upon which it might be conceived that a doubt would arise as to the sentiments that would be entertained by the sovereign, either in regard to the act itself, the method of its performance, or the language employed in relation thereto." On the other hand, it is not necessary to consult the crown upon ordinary matters of official routine, or upon minor points of administration, which are suitable to be transacted by the direct authority of the head of the particular department of state responsible for the same.d minutes Any minutes that may be agreed upon by the Cabinet cabinet, and which are intended to be communicated to sent to the the sovereign, should be conveyed through the premier, sovereign. either by letter or at an audience, to be requested for b Martin's Pr. Consort, v. 3, pp. 58-61. May, Const. Hist., v. i. p. 132. And see Corresp. of William IV. with Earl Grey, v. 2, pp. 355, 364, 373, d May, Const. Hist. v. 1, p. 135. |