up to Sydney, and his noble associates, as persons, who, from their known hostility to the reigning family, and the government, might be supposed ready to favour and support them in their treasons. It is however certain, that the attempt to make good the charge of high treason against Sydney completely failed; and the whole trial was most disgraceful to all concerned in it, and has affixed a stain npon the judicial character of that day, which never can be effaced. Mr. Meadley's account of the trial seeins to be generally clear and authentic: he mentions indeed two circumstances, which, as they are not supported by sufficient evidence, should not have been introduced as undoubted facts. The character of Jefferies is already sufficiently known and detested; it was therefore unnecessary to attempt to blacken it still more: and as he has no authority, but that of Sydney himself, who could not have been personally acquainted with the facts, for asserting that Jefferies consulted with the crown lawyers on the means of compassing his death; or that he followed the jury out of court, and instructed them as to the verdict they were to give; it became an impartial biographer to disregard such stories, instead of embodying them with his work, as of equal authenticity with the rest of his narrative. The observations with which Mr. Meadley concludes his relation of Sydney's catastrophe, oblige us, however unwilling, once more to have recourse to the language of censure: they are indeed marked by the same party spirit, to which we have already so often had occasion to object. After detailing the proceedings of parliament on the bill for reversing Sydney's at tainder, he proceeds thus... "The history of this infamous transaction is indelibly implanted in the public mind; and held out by every judicious patriot, as a caution to all wicked rulers, that, however successful in their sanguinary projects, the day of retribution may arrive; and as a con olation to each desponding friend of public freedom, that, however unfortunate for the moment, few well directed efforts are entirely lost." Before we read this paragraph we really had indulged a hope that the striking lesson, which Sydney's fate so forcibly suggests, would not have been overlooked by his biographer and that instead of a crambe repetita of wicked rulers, desponding friends of freedom, &c. which would better suit the conclusion of a school boy's theme, than the pages of a philosophical biographer, we should have been gratified by some of those moral reflections, which such an event may naturally be supposed to excite in a virtuous mind. We cannot however refrain from suggesting a little alteration t in his language, which, in our opinion, would furnish a sentence much more applicable to the subject, more consonant with truth, and more calculated to convey useful instruction to his readers' mind. We should propose to read it thus. The history of this transaction should be indelibly implanted on the public mind; and while it excites a feeling of abhorrence at the infamy which characterized the actors in it, may it also be held out by every judicious patriot as a caution to all wicked demagogues, that however successful in their sanguinary projects for a tine, the day of retribution will arrive; and the confusion of law, the perversion of justice, and the debasement of morals, which their own conduct has principally contributed to produce, will in their turn be employed to work the destruction of their contrivers, by agents, as wicked, but more fortunate *or powerful than themselves. It may also be a consolation to those, who sicken at the recital of the calamities, which these 'pretended friends of public freedom wantonly bring upon their country, to know that, Bloody instructions, which being taught, return This is a lesson, which, though we feel none of that "inveteracy of tory prejudice," of which Mr. Meadley speaks, (p. 286,) nor have the slightest desire to assault the fame of Sydney, such as it is, has always appeared to us to be strongly inculcated by his trial and condemnation. And while we have fully participated in those warm feelings of abhorrence, which it has called forth from every lover of justice; we have at the same time been irresistibly reminded that, the doctrine of accumulated and constructive treasons, which was employed to produce his conviction, was first brought forward at the equally iniquitous. trial of lord Strafford by the great promoters of that very cause, in which Sydney was actively engaged from his youth; and for which he scrupled not to declare that he considered himself a martyr. Mr. Meadley has evidently drawn the character of his hero con amore, and we are not disposed to quarrel with his partia lities, though we must be excused from sympathizing in them. The name of Algernon Sydney has been long illustrious in the annals of his country, and revered among the friends of freedom, as the champion, and martyr, of their cause. In vain have the apologists of courtly crimes endeavoured to traduce his character, and to bring public virtue into discredit, by impeaching the rectitude of his designs. Though prejudice and delusion might prevail for a moment, the atrocious calumnies were soon exposed; for the more minutely his conduct is investigated, the more free will it be found from every selfish stain." . Our readers are aware of the meaning of Mr Meadley's lan guage. "The friends of freedom," are a party, of which the country has heard much, and we believe kaowu quite enough. The freedom, to which they are friendly, and the manner in which they would establish it, are both very justly appreciated; and though we have little doubt that they are right in revering the name of Algernon Sydney, as the champion and martyr of their cause; as we have not the slightest ambition to be reckoned of their company, so we must declare ourselves no parties to the veneration which they pay to their idol. At the same time we are no "apologists for courtly crimes," nor have, we any pleasure in “traducing his character." The crimes of a court, are to us as odious as the crimes of an individual, and shall be. as strongly reprobated; but we are not of the number of those, who see no vices but in governors, no virtues but in their opponents. We boldly avow our impeachment of the rectitude of Sydney's designs; because we have been taught by Samuel the prophet, that in the sight of God" rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft, and stubbornness as idolatry:" and it is our firm belief, that nothing is so sure to bring public virtue into discredit, as to impute to every loyal and intrepid servant of his prince, motives of base self-interest, or servile adulation, and to deck out every factions demagogue in the trappings and integrity of patriotism. Notwithstanding the acknowledged fact of his being in the pay of his country's worst enemy, Sydney's character may have been free from every selfish stan; he may not have laboured for his own aggrandize ment, he may have acted under delusion, but his actions were deeply criminal; the calamities of his country, the destruction of the constitution, the guilt of rebellion and of regicide hang upon his hear, and though he was at last put to death unjustly, yet loyalty, virtue, and religion forbid us to rank him with the heroes or the patriots of history. We are little disposed to inquire into the private character of Sydney, our notice therefore of Mr. Meadley's remarks on this subject shall be brief. We are told of the " sweetness of nature much noticed in his early years, and to be traced in his subsequent progress;" at the same time it is allowed, that "he was irascible, tenacious, and impatient of contradiction or controul." (p. 288.) We attempt not to reconcile these statements. From the little that is known of Sydney's private conduct we should infer, that he was not an amiable man. The feeling complaints of his father, shew that he was deficient in' personal attentions to him, and in respect for his advice and opinions. "After you had left me sick, solitary, and sad at Penshurst; and that you had resolved to undertake the employment, wherein you had lately been; you neither came to give a farewell, nor did so much as send one to me, but only writ a wrangling letter or two about money, &c. and though before and after your going out of England you writ to divers other persons; the first letter that I received from you was dated, as I remember, on the 13th of September." (Earl of Leicester to Al. Sydney, Appendix, p 320.) "You must give me leave to remember, of how little weight my opinions and counsels have been with you, and how unfriendly you have rejected those exhortations and admonitions, which, in much affection and kindness, I have given you upon many occasions, and in almost every thing, from the highest to the lowest, that hath concerned you; and this you may think sufficient to discourage me from putting my advices into the like danger." (Same letter, App. p. 332.) We e are to remember that this father was ever most kind and indulgent; that he had shewn a more than ordinary affection for Sydney, as lord Lisle's letter proves, (App. p. 316,) and yet this is the return made by a man whose "heart," says Mr. Meadley," was alive to every tender sympathy, and vibrating with the most exquisite feelings." (P. 288.) If we wished to enter upon the subject, we might also say a word upon that commendation, with which Mr. Meadley records Sydney's attentions to lady Strangford, for the following passage in the letter from lord Leicester, already quoted, might reasonably suggest a doubt, whether it was really deserving of eulogium. "I have little to say to your complaints of your sister Strangford's unequal returns to your affection and kindness; but that I am sorry for it, and that you are well enough served for bestowing so much of your care where it was not due, and neglecting them to whom it was due; and I hope you will be wiser hereafter.” (App. p. 325.) Our opinion of Sydney's political character has been already sufficiently given in the course of this article: of his religion Mr. Meadley himself shall speak.. “Regarding religion solely as a divine philosophy, Sydney placed no reliance on the efficacy of external forms. He was a firm believer in the wisdom and benevolence of the Deity; in the truth and obligations of the Christian Scheme: but he was averse to public worship, and to every description of ecclesiastical influence in the state, He was devoid of all intolerance and bigotry, bigotry, where religion alone was concerned, and his aversion to popery was chiefly grounded on its supposed connection with arbitrary power." (P. 296.) If Mr. Meadley thinks that this will recommend his hero to the approbation of the world, we shall be content to leave it to work its effect. But we think that the public have heard enough of philosophy, to know that it is something different from Religion; and reflecting men will not easily allow, that he who is averse to public worship, which God has expressly com manded; and who places no reliance on the efficacy of external forms, two of which, called by Christians sacraments, Christ himself ordained; can be a firm believer, or at least a right believer in the truth and obligations of the Christian scheme. Sydney's merits as a writer we are not disposed to discuss. If his discourses concerning government were ever rega ded as a precious legacy to his country, and one of the moblest efforts of the human mind, as a work that could never be, too much valued and read," (p. 298,) that time is long since gone by; and far be it from us to recall them from that oblivions to which they are silently, and. in our opinion, justly consigned, The awful experience of the last twenty-five years has suffi ciently shewn the folly and the danger of an attempt to reduce such abstract theories to practice; and we are not at all apprehensive, that even the labours of Mr. Meadley will occasion a reaction" in the public mind in their favour. We trust that there will long remain in this country good sense enough to detect the errors of Sydney's principles; and energy enough in its laws to defeat and punish the imitators of his conduct. 66 After the specimens which have been already given of the tone and temper in which this volume is written, our readers will not be surprised to find the author speaking of the Revo lution of 1688 in terms which the wise and temperate actors in that difficult crisis would not have dared to use. He tells us that, originating in consultations like those of Sydney and his associates, it afforded a practical illustration of his maxims, in the expulsion of a tyrant from the throne." (P. 282) Surely no Janguage could more fully prove, either his iguorance of the real views and intentions of the illustrious patriots, who planned and accomplished this great event; or his determination to distort facts, for the purpose of producing that, as a practical enforcement of those principles of government, to which they most studiously avoided recurring. Nothing could be more unlike "the consultations of Sydney and his associates," than those which preceded and produced the Revolution; nothing could be farther from a practical illustration of his maxims," thay its result, So far were the great leaders of that day from venturing > |