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[DEC. 28, 1836.

amount, to meet the outstanding appropriations. Now, be wanting, of which five millions remain in the Treaswhen it was admitted by every one that the surplus ury, and about nine and a half go to the States. It is which would be on hand at the end of the next year certainly desirable to the States to know at once that would amount to at least twenty-five millions of dollars, these nine and a half millions will be wanted in two (and for himself he entertained no doubt that it would years, and part of it the first year. This is the intimabe thirty, unless the country should be disturbed by a tion in the President's message. Mr. B. read the pas war, or some other unforeseen catastrophe,) he would sage: seriously ask, was there a Senator on that floor, of any party, who would say, in a time of profound peace, (for he would not call the Seminole war interrupting the peace of the Union,) and recollecting the fact that this administration came in as a reform administration, that a tax should be raised, or that the money distributed under the deposite bill, should be refunded in order to make extravagant appropriations? He (Mr. C.) could not believe it. He knew that attempts would be made to prevent the renewal of the deposite act, though he could not say that this was one of them. But let him tell gentlemen that these attempts would only produce a reaction, and end in their defeat.

Mr. C., in conclusion, adverted to the subject of a reduction of the revenue, and the necessity of bringing it down to the legitimate wants of the Government. He insisted that the Committee on Finance, to whom was referred the consideration of this matter, were bound to show, in a satisfactory manner, either that there would be no surplus next year, or to admit the necessity of making an adequate reduction of the revenue.

Mr. BENTON said the document which had been read, to wit: the estimate of appropriations for 1837, was not unknown to him. He was no stranger to the document itself, or to the laws under which it was annually framed. One part of it, that of the estimates for the service of the ensuing year, was framed under an act as old as the Government; the other part of it, that which related to the unexpended balances, was more modern, and was framed under an act of 1820, to carry into effect more completely an act of 1795, relative to unexpended balances. This act of 1795 continues all appropriations in force for two full years after the year in which they are made; and at the end of those two years directs any balance that may remain to be carried to the surplus fund. The act of 1820 was to facilitate the understanding and use of these balances; and for that purpose it directed the Secretary of the Treasury to annex them to his annual estimate of appropriations, divided into three heads, according to the act of 1795; one bead was to show what part of the unexpended balances of the expired year would be wanted in the first of the two next years, and what part in the second of them, and what part would not be wanted at all; and so would go to the surplus fund. Thus the unexpended balances are now, and, ever since 1820, have been shown in three columns, headed as directed by the eighth section of that act. Thus they stand in this estimate; and the amount under each head is, first, for the service of 1837, there will be wanted of these unexpended balances the sum of $11,427,480; for 1838, there will be wanted $3,013,389; and there will remain the sum of $195,183, which will not be wanted at all in either of the two years, and therefore will go to the surplus fund. The aggregate of these three sums makes the $14,636,062 mentioned in the President's message, and also in the document of the estimates; and the aggregate of the two first sums will make the amount in this second document which is now asked to be printed. In this document the third head or column is dropped, because the amount in it is no longer wanted; and the two heads in the first and second columns are united and made into one, because the object was to know how much of the appropriations were unexpended, and would be wanting in the next two years. This document shows that near fourteen and a half millions will

"The unexpended balances of appropriation on the 1st day of January next are estimated at $14,636,062, exceeding by $9,636,062 the amount which will be left in the deposite banks, subject to the draft of the Treasurer of the United States, after the contemplated transfers to the several States are made. If, therefore, the future receipts should not be sufficient to meet these outstanding and future appropriations, there may be Soon a necessity to use a portion of the funds deposited with the States."

Mr. B. said, here was a clear declaration that these unexpended balances were to meet these outstanding appropriations; and if the future receipts into the Treasury did not meet them, the States might soon be called upon for a part of their deposites. Now, here was a question, first for the Finance Committee, and afterwards for Congress. Would they keep up unnecessary taxes to meet these balances, or call upon the States to refund? He, for one, should be against keeping up the taxes for this object, and should be for calling on the States, and therefore would show them at once the specific objects for which the money was wanted.

Mr. B. read another passage from the President's message to show that these moneys must be refunded by the States, or taxes, otherwise unnecessary, must be kept up to supply their place; so that, in no event, could they be called and treated as an unavoidable surplus for which the Government has no use:

"No time was lost, after the making of the requisite appropriations, in resuming the great national work of completing the unfinished fortifications on our seaboard, and of placing them in a proper state of defence. In consequence, however, of the very late day at which those bills were passed, but little progress could be made during the season which has just closed. A very large amount of the moneys granted at your last session accordingly remains unexpended; but as the work will be again resumed at the earliest moment in the coming spring, the balance of the existing appropriations, and in several cases which will be laid before you with the proper estimates, further sums for the like objects may be usefully expended during the next year."

Mr. B. repeated, the Government has a use for this money, and a use so urgent, that she must raise it by taxation, if any of the States violate the deposite act, and hold on to the moneys as their portion of a distributive fund.

To make this matter too plain for mistake, too obvious for commentary, and too imperative to be disputed, Mr. B. would refer to the letter of the Secretary of the Treasury, accompanying the annual estimates, and show. ing these unexpended balances, and expressly including them in his estimate for the service of 1837 and 1838. This is the letter referred to:

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armories, arsenals, ordnance, Indian affairs, revolutionary and military pensions, and internal improvements, $10,758,431 33 Naval service, including the marine

corps,

To the estimates are added statements, showing,

1. The appropriations for the service of the year 1837, made by former acts, including arming and equipping the militia, civilization of Indians, revolutionary claims, revolutionary pensions under the act of 7th June, 1832, claims of the State of Virginia, gradual improvement of the navy, and public debt,

2. The existing appropriations which will not be required for the service of the year 1836, and which it is proposed to apply in aid of the service of the year 1837, amounting to 3. The existing appropriations which will be required to complete the service of the year 1836, and former years, but which will be expended in 1837, amounting to

6,670,340 62

[SENATE.

importance, if it was to regulate the conduct of the States in that particular. But, then, if it be important, and is to be of service, it ought to go in a correct form. Now, how did the Senator from Missouri propose to send out this information? It was, that there was now an unexpended balance of appropriations of fourteen mil. lions of dollars, and the inference was, that the money must be called back from the States to meet these balances when wanted.

Now, if this was a fact, the information had better be sent out; but if the tendency of it was to mislead every body, it ought not to be given. The President said that there was a balance of unexpended appropriations of fourteen millions of dollars, and when the five millions left in the Treasury by the provisions of the deposite law was deducted from the sum, then there would re$2,347,000 00 main nine millions; and the President proceeds to say, that if there should be no money in the Treasury to meet this balance, then Congress must make some arrangement for that purpose. Now, he called upon the Senator from Missouri to show, and it was incumbent on him to do so, that there would be no money in the Treasury to meet these balances. Now, did the Senator from Missouri propose to show any such thing? No, he did not pretend to say that the receipts into the Treasury would not be sufficient to meet all demands. What was

3,013,389 34

11,427,489 87 There is also added to the estimates a statement of the several appropriations which will probably be carried to the surplus fund at the close of the present year; either because the objects for which they were made are completed, or because these sums will not be required for, or will no longer be applicable to them, amounting to $195,183 64.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

LEVI WOODBURY,
Secretary of the Treasury.

Hon. JAMES K. POLK,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.

With these views of the subject, and these references to the President's message, and the Secretary of the Treasury's lettter, Mr. B. held it to be well proved that the document which he proposed to have printed and sent to the States was not a false or deceptive paper, to mislead and confuse the public mind, but a document true and perspicuous, calculated to instruct and inform the public mind, and to save all good citizens from the danger of falling into the error of considering the moneys deposited with the States as an unavoidable surplus, for which the Government has no use, and which they may consequently treat as their own. This document, if printed, will save all good citizens from that error, and show them that the Government has actually appropriated a large part of the money deposited with them, and must get it back, or raise it again by taxes.

Mr. CALHOUN said he had certainly made no complaint of inaccuracy on the part of the Secretary of the Treasury. He presumed that his calculations were perfectly accurate; but what he complained of was, that the Senator from Missouri proposed to send out a document which was not correct, with a view to show the outstanding appropriations remaining unsatisfied. He maintained that the document was entirely pernicious, for it set forth what was not really the truth of the case; and all that he desired was that the public should not be deceived on the subject.

Mr. DAVIS had but one word to say in regard to this matter. If he understood this proposition, it was to give information to the States, to regulate their conduct in some legislation it was supposed they were about to be engaged in. It was information, therefore, of some

to be the consequence of sending abroad this document? Was it to create an alarm, and prevent the States from making use of the money placed in their hands? Was there any reason to suppose that there would be a deficiency of the revenue? Has your Secretary of the Treasury, asked Mr. D., said that there will be any deficiency of the revenue? No, sir, no such thing; he suggests the bare, naked fact, that there will be fourteen millions of dollars of unexpended appropriations of the last year. Well, what did the Senator from Missouri say in regard to the revenues of the country? Why, he chided and rebuked them all (and he took it very kindly, for he was subject to such rebukes) for staving off appropriations at the last session, and, in the end, withholding appropri ations. Well, sir, (said Mr. D.,) I plead guilty to the charge; I was one of those who resisted the double and triple appropriations on the fortification bill, (and I see those around me who did the same,) and sleeping or waking I have never had occasion to regret the course I then took. Why, did the Senator know what were the actual expenditures of the last year? If he did not, he could know it by looking at the President's message and accompanying documents, and he would find that they amounted to thirty-two and some odd millions of dollars; and, ife understood matters, these fourteen millions were to be added to it-making forty odd millions appropri ated last session. Sir, (said Mr. D.,) compare this with the appropriations of any other administration, and sce what has been appropriated by the very reluctant Con gress, who have been chided for staving off appropri ations, and for withholding appropriations. Find, if you can, (said Mr. D,) a parallel to this sort of extravagance. He was astonished that any Senator could rise in his place and indulge in such rebukes as the Senator from Missouri had, after the extravagant appropriations of the last session.

The Senator seemed to consider this a question, whether this money should lie in the Treasury, to be disposed of by the officers of the Government, on their responsibility, or go to the people of the States, from whom it came. This was the question that was made there last winter, and he, for one, never could hesitate how to vote on it. After some further remarks, Mr. D. said he thought some misapprehensions existed as to the information sent out from the two Houses of Congress. Did all these documents that were daily printed go to the poor and uninformed? They who stood there knew

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better. It was all a miserable farce; for long before they were sent out from there, they were printed and reprinted, and circulated all over the country.

As it had been customary to accede to the proposition to print an extra number of copies of any document asked for by an honorable Senator, he would not deny the Senator from Missouri the printing of the extra number of copies of this document; but he requested that the question as to printing, and as to the distribution of the copies when printed, might be taken separately.

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[Dec. 28, 1836.

safest treasuries for keeping surplus moneys which the Government can have." They know this, and the squab bles, intrigues, collusions, and bargains, which they will soon see, for enabling the few to handle these surpluses, and the doubtful or political objects to which they will be applied, will soon disgust them with the whole scheme; and if this document can be printed, they will see in it, the people of each State will see in it, objects as meritorious, and as near and as dear to them, as any that can be devised for the application of the moneys in their own Legislatures.

Mr. BENTON replied to the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. DAVIS,} who had spoken of the large ap- Mr. KING, of Alabama, said, of all the extraordinary propriations of the last year; but the gentleman had for discussions he had ever heard in that body, that of this gotten to mention two things, which would have spoiled morning was the most extraordinary. He would ask the face of the large sum which he presented: first, that the Senator from Missouri what object, what aim, and fourteen or fifteen millions of this sum were extraordi- what end, he proposed to accomplish by the motion he naries growing out of Indian wars and Indian treaties; had made, and the speech he had delivered? If, said and, next, that fourteen and a half millions more were ap- Mr. K., it is designed to operate on the deposite bill propriated at so late a day that they could not be ex- of the last session, it is a matter that has gone by, and is pended. Mr. B. knew that these large appropriations now before the country for good or for evil. For himwere to figure in speeches out of Congress, as well as self, he felt no reluctance in submitting to the judgment in it, and, therefore, took care before the rise of the last the country will pass on the measure. If it be to vicsession of Congress to have a document prepared at the timize those who, at the last session, took a view of that Treasury to show each object of appropriation, so that subject different from that taken by the honorable Senthe extraordinaries might be seen, and no one deceived ator, then his motion was properly accompanied by the by the exhibition of the large amount appropriated. remarks we have just heard; for, said Mr. K., the SenaThat document nullified the cry of extravagance, so in- tor from Missouri and myself differed as widely at the continently set up just before the presidential election; last session as we appear to do now. He entertained and this document that he now asked for would nullify, the opinion then, that there would be a large, very in like manner, the idea of the unavoidable surplus for large, amount of money in the Treasury, which could which Government had no use, if he should be so fortu- not be appropriated, without resorting to such extravanate as to get it printed and distributed through the gant expenditures as no administration could even apStates. The great error of the party to which the gen-proach and retain the confidence of the country. He tleman belonged was in acting upon a certain notion believed, in common with many others that he saw around which possessed all their heads, namely, that the said him, and with whom he felt proud to act, that it was party possessed all the learning, all the talents, all the their duty to devise some plan by which the Treasury wit, all the genius, all the religion, morality, civility, de. could be relieved from the excess of revenue, and those cency, and politeness, now extant in our America; for, who administered the Government freed from the susin acting on this notion, they necessarily considered the picion that it would be used to effect improper purposes. people as having none of those valuable qualities, as they Well, sir, (said Mr. K.,) we believed that the best mode to themselves possessed all; and, therefore, they could pass effect those objects would be to deposite it with the off any thing they pleased upon the Baotian multitude. people of the States from whom it had been unnecessaThis error, though comfortable in itself, and so well cal- rily drawn. We believed that, by this course, the friend's culated to keep a man on the best of terms with himself, of the administration were not only subserving the great had been the source of innumerable miscarriages to the interests of the country, but freeing it from the possibilgentleman's party, and would be the source of several ity of censure. Who will venture to assert (said Mr. K.) more. This surplus conception would be one of them. that the placing this money in the treasuries of the seveAll the work of the last session to create the surplus ral States, to be used as, in the discretion of the State was distinclly seen by the country; every body knew that Governments, was best calclated to advance their interevery branch of the public service was suffering for mo- ests, and subject to be returned whenever wanted for naney, and clerks raising money at usurious interest to live tional purposes, was not a better and safer deposite for on, and officers raising money on their own credit, while it, than to leave it with the deposite banks? Sir, said the two Houses of Congress resounded with the cry of Mr. K., the bill passed, and passed with the strenuous surplus millions, and so many labored to stave off, cut opposition of the Senator from Missouri, who, no doubt, down, and defeat appropriations, in order to create sur- acted from the purest motives, and honestly believed pluses for distribution. Another great error was to that the money would be wanted to meet the expendi suppose that immense popularity was to be gained now tures of the General Government. Whether the Senaby pushing the system of annual distributions, and en- tor was right or wrong, I leave to the country to deterdeavoring to out-run, out-leap, and out-jump one anoth- mine; but, (said Mr. K.,) while I am ready to give him er in the glorious race of making and dividing surpluses. credit for the purest motives in opposing the deposite But the people saw through it all, and despised it all, bill, I will not consent to be held up to the American and went for a reduction of taxes, and no surplus. They people as so unwise, so impolitic, and so unjust, as to knew that the whole business was unconstitutional, cor- lend myself to a system of distribution. Nor, sir, can it rupt, and demoralizing; and had no idea of seeing it kept be charged upon me, or the political friends with whom up, and a regular attempt made to pension the States as I acted on that occasion, with the slightest semblance paupers upon the Federal Government. They knew of correctness, that we endeavored to create a su plus the absurdity and insanity of raising money one year to for distribution, by delaying or withholding the ne be paid back the next; they knew, without having read cessary appropriations. Far from it; far from it. Sir, our it in a book, that the famous phrase put into the mouth appropriations nearly doubled the estimates from the of Queen Elizabeth by Lord Treasurer Burleigh, and various Departments at the commencement of the ses which he himself took from Demosthenes, contains all sion. We knew that there was an overflowing Treasuthe wisdom which can be taught on this head, namely, ry, and we gave liberally; in most instances, more than that the "pockets of the people are the cheapest and could be expended; but the Senator complains loudly

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that this was produced by delaying the appropriations. He would not stop to inquire whether such delay, if it did take place, resulted from the course pursued by the opponents of the administration, or from the various schemes (some of them certainly of a most extravagant character) which were pressed upon the attention of Congress. When was it ever known that all the appropriation bills were passed through both Houses at an early period of the session! But we are told that, not having passed bills in time to meet the expenditures of West Point, Harper's Ferry, and to pay the salaries of the clerks in the public offices, was evidence of a determination to create a surplus. Delays of this kind have frequently occurred since he had been a member of the Senate, and have, no doubt, always produced serious inconvenience to those whose pittance was thus withheld; but did any one ever before hear it gravely charged upon Congress that the object of this delay was to create a surplus? He (Mr. K.) would repeat that he had given his support to the most liberal appropriations; but, at the same time, had withheld his assent to propositions for squandering the revenue, based upon repeated calls to ascertain the maximum of expenditure. What was necessary to meet the proper and economical expenditures of the Government, he would never withhold; more he would not give, even at the risk of being charged with a design to create a surplus. Sir, said Mr. K., the repub lican doctrine, as he understood it, was to draw no more money from the pockets of the people than was requi red to meet the judicious expenditures of the Government, and if the revenue proved too great, reduce the faxes. Upon what principle, by what constitutional right, do you tax the people, and draw money into the Treasury not required to carry on the operations of the Government? He held there was no such legitimate power, and the exercise of it was a gross usurpation. But we may be told that the compromise bill, as it has been termed, stands in the way of reduction. He (Mr. K.) had voted for that bill, but imposed upon himself no obligation to hold sacred its provisions. He had so declared in his place. He had voted for it under a species of duresse, arising from the peculiar situation in which a portion of our country was then placed. He had believed that it did not do justice to the extent we had a right to demand, but it was all which could then be obtained, and he had accepted it; nor would he now lightly disturb it. He believed that, by a reasonable reduction on such articles as would not affect the manufacturing industry of the country, and by confining the sales of your public lands to those who purchase for actual settlement, you will go far to reduce the receipts of the Treasury to an amount, little, if any, exceeding the wants of the Government. Let us try these reductions, and if even then a surplus should be found, we may cast about for some useful and constitutional mode for its disposition. But under no circumstances could he ever consent to the prospective legislation proposed by the Senator from South Carolina; a resort to such a system of distribution or deposite, call it which you will, would, in his judgment, be one of the greatest misfortunes which could befall the States; and all who regarded their rights should array themselves against such a project.

We are told by the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. DAVIS] that the appropriations of the last session had been extravagant beyond measure. They were liberal, sir, not extravagant. There was an overflowing Treasury, and the state of the country rendered them proper. The Indian appropriations had been great; but for them he gave his most cordial support, from policy, from justice, from humanity. The policy of their removal was the only sure policy; the only earthly mode by which that unfortunate race can be preserved as a people. Sir, my constituents felt this, and were prepared to jus

VOL. XIII.-11

[SENATE.

tify expenditures which otherwise might appear extravagant, to effect objects so desirable.

Mr. K. said he was extremely sorry that it was necessary to enter into a discussion as to the effect of the deposite law of the last session. That effect was yet to be seen, and the States themselves had the responsibility of TM making a proper disposition of the money intrusted with them. Whether we, (said Mr. K.,) in our ignorance, have deposited more money with them than we can spare, so that a portion of it will have to be called back for the necessary expenses of the Government, was another question. But such he did not understand would be the case. The argument of the Senator from Missouri did not put it on that footing. There was no Sen. ator, he believed, who was not satisfied that the five mil lions left in the Treasury by the provisions of the depos ite act, with the receipts of the year, would be amply sufficient to meet all the appropriations as they were wanted. If, however, it should, by a bare possibility, turn out otherwise, there was not a State in the Union that would hesitate for a moment in answering any call on it that might be made by the Secretary of the Treasury.

He was not disposed (Mr. K. said) to complain of the course taken by the Senator from Missouri. If the object of the gentleman was to oppose a prospective distribution, it appeared to him that it would have been as well to have waited until the bill for such an object came before them. With regard to the manner in which that bill had been treated by the Committee on Finance, he believed that, as a reduction of the revenue was contemplated by them, they preferred to let it lie until it was found what could be done on that subject, without making a formal report. I go (said Mr. K.) for a reduction of the revenue down to the wants of the Government, and then we shall hear no more about deposite acts. I hold that you have no right to create a surplus and then distribute it; and that, on the contrary, you ought to reduce the taxes. I hold it my duty to oppose, as far as my little influence extends, any prospective plan for a distribution of the surplus, and will be unwilling to act on any such bill until it shall be found that it is impossible to reduce the revenue by either of the two modes proposed.

Mr. K. said he felt himself bound to make this expla nation, in consequence of the course the debate had taken, as he had voted for the deposite law of the last session, believing that in doing so he was making the safest and least objectionable disposition of the vast sum accumulating in the Treasury. He should vote against the mode proposed by the Senator from Missouri, of distributing the extra copies of the document before them, because such distribution would be unusual, was calculated to give erroneous information, could do no good, and, by attaching an unnecessary importance to it, mislead those to whom it should be sent.

Mr. CALHOUN observed that if the document was to be printed, it had better be done in the form in which it already was, for that was by far the most accurate. But he did not see the slightest necessity for printing it, and hoped it would not be printed.

Mr. NILES said that he would make a single remark. He had, in the course of the debate, heard but one reason assigned for sending this document to the States, which appeared to him to be entitled to any consideration: this was, that the information it contained might be useful to the Legislatures of the States, in giving a wise and prudent direction to their legislation in regard to the money they were about to receive under the provisions of the deposite act. This, he considered, was a legitimate, fair, and, he would add, important object. There was too much reason to fear, he thought, that the States, or many of them, might make an unwise disposi

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tion of this fund, and perhaps such a disposition as would not be altogether consistent with the principles and spirit of the deposite law. Did he believe that this document contained information calculated to enlighten their course, and that it embraced all the information necessary and proper for that purpose, he might be willing to vote for so unusual and extraordinary a measure as that proposed by the Senator from Missouri, [Mr. BENTON] He doubted, however, whether this document would answer any useful purpose. It did not contain all the information necessary, and he learned it would be more likely to mislead than to enlighten the action of the States. If any document could set public opinion right on this subject, he thought the message of the President was best adapted to do it. But he despaired of attaining this object: public opinion had taken its course, and settled down under peculiar circumstances, and cannot be changed by any document we can send to the States, or among the people. So far as it is wrong, it must work its own cure.

Sir, (said Mr. N.,) perhaps no law ever enacted by Congress has had so strange a destiny as the deposite act of last session. Its true character had been misrepresented, grossly misrepresented, both by friends and foes, by all parties throughout the whole Union. During its long and arduous struggle in this hall, it was treated, by all who supported it at least, simply as a deposite bill. But the moment the question was finally decided, and before the bill had got really out of the Senate, what did we hear? Why, one voice was raiseda voice of triumph-calculated to give to the law a false character. And what did we witness afterwards? The friends of the measure, he meant the original friends, those who claimed its paternity, all united, in every way and form, through their organs, the press, and in every other way, in giving a false character to the act. It was declared to be a distribution bill, a law for dividing the surplus revenue among the States. But this was not all, nor the worst. The opponents of the measure united and made common cause with its friends, its original friends, in misleading the public and giving a false character to this law. Among them, his distinguished friend from Missouri [Mr. BENTON] had lent the influence of bis great name and fame, the extent of which no one knew better than himself, to give a character to this act. He had no doubt the gentleman supposed he gave it its true character; yet some of us, (said Mr. N.,) who had felt it a duty to support it, although as much opposed to the principle of distribution as that Senator himself, thought he gave it a false character. He declared it to be a distribution act, and the triumph of the scheme of dividing surpluses among the States.

Under such circumstances it had been found of no use to attempt to present to the public the true character of this measure. If we held up the act, and pointed the public mind to its plain letter and distinct provisions, which declare that the money is to be deposited with the States in trust for safe keeping, and to be returned when demanded, we were told: "It is of no use, every body knows that this is a distribution of the surplus, and that the money will never be called for." Such were the circumstances under which public opinion had been formed, and it was in vain to think to change it by sending documents to the State Legislatures at this time. Nothing short of a voice from Heaven could satisfy a large portion of the people that this money does not belong to the States, and it will be received and disposed of under these false and erroneous views.

In regard to the benefits or the evils of handing this surplus over to the States, they yet remained to be known. Of the dangers and difficulties which it will be likely to occasion, he was as sensible as any one. We have removed the burden from our own shoulders, and

[Dic. 28, 1836.

thrown it on the States; we have sent the golden apple of discord among them, and it remains to be known whether it will be used for good or for evil-whether it will be a blessing or a curse.

The Legislature of his own State was now in session, and he was informed were distracted with the disposition of their share of the surplus. There were many schemes for disposing of it, and which would prevail he could not say; but presumed that the erroneous impressions to which he had alluded would have their effect, and that the distribution principle would triumph, and that the fund would be divided and subdivided, he could not say to what extent. It was proposed to divide it up among the towns; and whether the distribution principle would stop there, or be followed out, might be doubtful; for so strong had this principle taken hold of public sentiment every where, that he should hardly be surprised to hear that a more thorough distribution had been made, and that the whole fund had been divided up per capita, among every man, woman, and child, in the State, for safe keeping. He hoped the fund would prove beneficial to the State, although for a time it may distract its councils. There were those, however, who regarded the evil as greater than the benefit. A letter he had this day received from a friend on the spot, says, "For God's sake send no more money among us.

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The conduct of many in regard to the deposite act had been very strange; they condemn the principle of distribution, they condemn the deposite bill, they condemn those who voted for it, yet they are willing to receive the money; nay, they seize upon it with the keenest avidity, and seem determined to follow out the prin ciple of distribution, which they condemn, and determine to distribute, divide, and re-divide the fund, until they can get a share of it into ther own pockets. These are some of the first fruits of dividing up surpluses among the people.

But great as he considered the danger from sending this money among the States, he regarded the evils of its remaining in your Treasury, and deposite banks, as still greater. Our act did not create the evils from this surplus, although it may have transferred them from this Government to the States. But the danger and the evil existed: it was here, it was upon Congress, tempting us to extravagant expenditures; it was upon the deposite banks, inflating and blowing up our whole paper system. Whatever else might follow, one thing was certain: we had removed the evil from Congress; we had thrown off a burden which had rested heavily upon us, and which he considered was more than we could bear; he felt relieved, and rejoiced to get clear of the difficulties which surrounded Congress the last session.

The only legitimate object of sending this document to the States could not be accomplished; they had already taken their course, and must be permitted to go on. If the Senator from Missouri wished-which le presumed he did not-to send this paper to the States, to persuade them or the people that Congress had done wrong at the last session, that the money they were about to receive was wanted for the legitimate purposes of this Government, he could not aid him in that course; be could see no good that was to result from it, and it did not appear to be exactly just towards those who had voted for the deposite act, although disapproving of the principle of distribution.

It would be presumption in him to attempt to advise so distinguished and experienced a Senator as the gentleman from Missouri. But he might be permitted to say what would be his own course, and what appeared to him to be the course dictated by wisdom and policy. He would not revive the contentions of the last session; he would not unnecessarily fight our battles over again. Sufficient for the year are the evils thereof. Instead of

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