The Political Text-book: Or Encyclopedia. Containing Everything Necessary ...

Hunt, of N. Y.; Jackson, of N. Y.; James C. Johnston; Keim, of Pa.; Kempshall; Lawrence, of Mass.; Leet, of Pa.; Leonard, of N. Y.; Lincoln, of Mass.; Lowell, of Me.; Mal lory, of N. Y.; Marchand of Pa.; Marvin, of N. Y.; Mason, of O.; Mitchell, of N. Y.; Monroe, of N. Y.; Morgan, of N. Y.; Morris, of Pa.; Morris, of O.; Naylor, of Pa.; Newhard, of Pa.; Ogle, of Pa.; Osborne, of Conn.; Palen, of N. Y.; Parmenter, of Mass.; Paynter, of Pa.; Peck, of N. Y.; Randail, of Me.; Randolph, of N. J.; Rariden, of Ia.; Reed, of Mass.; Ridgway, of O.; Rogers, of N. Y.; Russell, of N. Y.; Saltonstall, of Mass.; Sergeant, of Pa.; Simonton, of Pa.; Slade, of Vt.; Smith of Vt., Smith of Conn., Starkweather of O., Storrs of Conn., Stuart of Ill., Tillinghast of R. I., Toland of Pa., Trumbull of Conn., Underwood of Ky., Van derpoel of N. Y., Wagener of Pa., Wagouer of N. Y., Wick, of la.. Williams of N. H., Williams of Conn., and Williams

of Mass.-108.

The 21st rule, as it was called, which read as follows: No petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any state or territory, or the slave-trade between the states and the territories of the United States in which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in any way whatever," was rescinded on the 3d of Dec. 1844, on motion of Mr. J. Quincy Adams, by yeas and nays as follows:

YEAS.-Messrs. Abbot, of Mass.; Adams, of Mass.; Anderson, of N. Y.; Baker, of Mass.; Barnard, of N. Y.; Benton, of N. Y.; Black, of Pa.; Brinkerhoff, of O.; Brodhead, of Pa.; T. Brown, of Pa.; Buffington of Pa.; Carpenter, of N. Y.; Cary, of N. Y.: Catlin, of Conn.; Clingman, of N. C., Clinton of N. Y., Collamer of Vt., Cranston of R. I., Dana, of N. Y.; Darragh, of Pa.; Dean, of O.; Dickey, of Pa.; Dillingham, of Vt.; Duncan, of O.; Dunlap, of Me.; Ellis, of N. Y.; Elmer, of N. J.; Farlee, of N. J.; Fish, of

N. Y.; Florence, of 0.: Foot, of Vt.; Fuller, of Pa.; Giddings, of O.; Green, of N. Y.; Grinnell, of Mass.; Hale, of N. H.; Hamlin, of Me.; Hamlin, of S. C.; Hardin, of Ill., Harper, of O.; Henley, of Ia.; Herrick. of Me.; Hubbell, of N. Y., Hudson, of Mass.; Hungerford, of N. Y.; Hunt, of Mich.; J. R. Ingersoll. of Pa.; Irvin, of Pa.; Jencks, of Pa.; P. B. Johnson, of O.; Kennedy, of Ia.; Kennedy, of Md.; King, of Mass.; Kirkpatrick, of N. J.; Leonard, of N. Y.; Lyon. of Mich.; McCauslen, of O.; McClelland, of Mich.; McDowell, of O.; McIlvaine, of Pa.; Marsh, of Vt.; Morris, of Pa.; Morris, of O.; Morse, of Me.; Moxly, of N. Y.; Nes, of Pa.; Owen, of Ia.; Parmenter, of Mass.; Patterson, of N. Y.; Pettit, of la.; Phoenix, of N. Y.; Pollock, of Pa.; Potter, of R. I.; Pratt, of N. Y.; Preston, of Md.; Purdy, of N. Y.; Ramsey, of Pa.; Rathbun. of N. Y.; Ritter. of Pa.; Robinson, of N. Y.; Rockwell, of Mass.; Rogers, of N. Y.; St. John, of O.; Sample, of Ia.; Schenck. of O.; Severance, of Me.; Thomas H. Seymour, of Conn.; David L. Sey mour. of N. Y.; Albert Smith, of N. Y.; John T. Smith, of Pa.; Thomas Smith, Ia.; Caleb B. Smith, of Ia.; Stetson, of N. Y.; Andrew Stewart, of Pa.; John Stewart, of Conn.; Tyler, of N. Y.; Vance, of O.; Vinton, of O.; Wentworth, of Ill.; Wethered. of Md.; Wheaton, of Mass.; John White. of Ky.; Benjamin White, of Me.; Williams, of Mass.; Winthrop of Mass.. William Wright of N. Y., Joseph A. Wright of Ia.; and Yost, of Pa.--108.

NAYS.-Messrs. Arrington, of N. C.; Ashe. of Tenn.; Atkinson, of Va.; Baily, of Va.; Barringer, of N. C.; Bidlack, of Pa.; Edward J. Black, of Ga.; James A. Black, of S. C.; Blackwell. of Tenn.; Bowlin, of Mo.; Boyd, of Ky.; Milton Brown. of Tenn.; William J. Brown. of Ia.; Burke, of N. H.; Burt, of S. C.; Caldwell, of Ky.; Causin, of Md.; Reuben Chapman, of Ala.; Augustus A. Chapman, of Va.; Chilton, of Va.. Cobb of Ga., Daniel of N. C., Garrett Davis of Ky., John W. Davis, of la.; Dawson, of La.; Deberry, of N. C.; Dellett, of Ala.; Dromgoole, of Va.; Ficklin, of Ill.; French, of Tenu.; Goggin, of Va.; Grider, of Ky.; Haralson, of Ga.; Holmes, of S. C.; Hoge, of Ill.; Hopkins, of Va.; Houston, of Ala.; Hubard, of Va.: Hughes, of Mo.; Charles J. Inger soll, of Pa.; Jameson, of Mo.; Cave Johnson, of Tenn.; Andrew Johnson, of Tenn.; George W. Jones, of Tenn.; Preston King, of N. Y.; Labranche, of La.; Lucas, of Va.; Lumpkin. of Ga.; McClernand, of Ill.; McConnell, of Ala.; McKay, of N. C.; Mathews, of O.; Isaac E. Morse, of La.; Murphy, of N. Y.; Newton, of Va.; Norris, of N. H.; Payne,

of Ala.: Peyton, of Tenn.; David S. Reid, of N. C.; Reding, Saunders, of N. Y.; Senter. of Tenn.; Simpson, of S. C.; Slidell, of La.: Robert Smith, of Illinois; Steenrod, of Va.; Stephens, of Ga.; Stiles. of Ga.; James W. Stone, of Ky.; Alfred P. Stone, of 0.; Taylor, of Va.; Thomasson, of Ky.; Thompson, of Miss; Tibbatts, of Tenn.; Weller, of O.; Woodward, of S. C.; and Yancey, of Ala.-80.

of N. H.; Relfe, of Mo.; Rhett, of S. C.; Rodney, of Del.;

On the 1st of Dec. 1845, Mr. Chapman of Ala. made a motion in effect to revive the 21st rule, but it was rejected by a vote of yeas 84, nays 121. The following is the affirmative Vote.

Va.; Barringer, of N. C.; Bayley, of Va.; Bedinger, of Va.; YEAS.-Messrs. Stephen Adams, of Miss.; Atkinson, of Bell of Ky., James A. Black of S. C., Bowlin of Mo., Boyd of Ky., Milton Brown of Tenn., William G. Brown of Va.; Burt, of S. C.; Cabell, of Fla.; John G. Chapman, of Md.; Augustus A. Chapman, of Va.; Reuben Chapman, of Ala., Chase, of Tenn.; Chipman, of Mich.; Clarke, of N. C.; Cobb, of Ga.; Cocke, of Tenn.; Constable, of Md.; Cullom, of Tenn.; Daniel, of N. C.; Garrett Davis, of Ky.; Dobbin, of N. C.; Dockery, of N. C.; Douglass, of Ill.; Dromgoole, of Va., Faran, of O.; Ficklin, of Ill.; Giles, of Md.; Graham, of N. C.; Haralson, of Ga.; Harmanson, of La.; Hilliard, of Ala.; Hoge, of Ill.; Isaac E. Holmes, of S. C.; Hopkins. of Va.; George S. Houston, of Ala.; E. W. Hubard, of Va.; son, of Va.; Andrew Johnson, of Tenn.; George W. Jones, of Hunter, of Va.; Charles J. Ingersoll, of Pa.; Joseph JohnTenn.; Seaborn Jones, of Ga.; Thomas B. King, of Ga.; Leake, of Va.; Ligon, of Md.; Long, of Md.; Lumpkin, of Ala.; McHenry, of Ky.; McKay, of N. C.; John P. Martin, Ga.; McClean, of Pa.; McClernand, of Ill.; McConnell, of of Ky.; Barclay Martin, of Tenn.; Norris, of N. H.; Payne, of Ala.; Pendleton, of Va.; Perry, of Md.; Price, of Mo. Reid, of N. C.; Relfe, of Mo.; Rhett, of S. C.; Seddon, of Va.; A. D. Sims, of S. C.; L. H. Simms, of Mo.; Simpson, of S. C.; Robert Smith, of Ill.; Stanton, of Tenn.; Stephens, Ga., Tibbatts of Ky., Treadway of Va., Trumbo of Ky., Wilmot of Ga. Taylor of Va., Jacob Thompson of Miss., Toombs, of of Pa., Woodward of S. C., Yancey of Ala., Yell of Ark.--84. The following Southern Representatives voted in the negative,

Messrs. Crozier

and Gentry of Tenn., Grider, Young, and and Thomasson of Ky., Houston of Del., Thibodeaux of La.

The following is the affirmative vote in the House on the 11th of Dec. 1845, in laying on the table an abolition petition, presented by Mr. Culver of N. Y., praying the abolition of slavery, and the slave-trade in the District of Columbia.

YEAS.-Messrs. S. Adams, of Miss.; Atkinson, of Va.; Barringer, of N. C.; Bayley, of Va.; Bedinger, of Va.; Biggs, of N. C.; James Black, of Pa.; James A. Black, of S. C.; Boyd, of Ky.; Brodhead, of Pa.; William G. Brown, of Va.; Burt, of S. C.; John H. Campbell, of Pa.; Augustus A. Chapman, of Va.; R. Chapman, of Ala.; Chipman, of Mich.; Clarke, of N. C.; Cocke, of Tenn.; Crozier, of Tenn.; Cullom, of Tenn.; Cunningham, of O.; Daniel, of N. C.; G. Davis, of Ky; Dockery, of N. C.; Douglass, of Ill.; Edsall of N. J.; Erdman, of Pa.; Faran, of O.; Foster, of Pa.; Gentry, of Tenn.; Giles, of Md.; Goodyear, of N. Y.; Graham, of N. C.; Grider, of Ky.; Haralson, of Ga.; Harmanson, of La.; Henley, of Ind.; Hilliard, of Ála.; Hoge, of Ill.; Hopkins, of Va.; John W. Houston, of Del.; G. S. Houston, of Ala.. Hungerford, of N. Y.; Hunter, of Va.; Charles J. Ingersoll, of Pa.; J. H. Johnson, of N. H.; J. Johnson, of Va.; Andrew Johnson of Tenn., George W. Jones of Tenn., Seaborn Jones of Ga., Kennedy of Ind., T. B. King of Ga., Lawrence of N. Y., Leake of Va., Levin of Penn., Ligon of Md., Lumpkin of Ga., Maclay of N. Y., McClean of Pa., McCrate of Me., McHenry of Ky., John P. Martin of Ky., Barclay Martin of Tenn., Miller of N. Y., Morse of Louisiana, Moulton of N. H., ris of N. H., Owen of Ind., Parish of O., Payne of Ala., Pendleton of Va., Perrill of O., Perry of Md., Petit of Ind., Price of Mo., Rathbun of N. Y., Reid of N. C., Relfe of Mo., Ritter of Pa., Roberts of Miss., Sawyer of O., Scammon of Me., Seddon of Va., A. D. Sims of S. C., L. H. Simms of Mo., Simpson of S. C., Robert Smith of Ill., Stanton of Tenn., Stephens of Ga., Thibodeaux of La., James Thompson of Pa., Jacob Thompson of Miss., Thurman of Q., Tibbats of Ky., Toombs of Ga., Treadway of Va., Trumbo of Ky., Wentworth of Ill., Wick of Ind., Wilmot of Pa., Woodruff of N. Y., Woodward of S. C., Woodworth of N. J., Yancey of Ala., Yell of Ark., Young of Ky., and Yost of Pa.-108.

Nor

On the 25th of February, 1850, Mr. Giddings of Ohio, in the House of Representatives, presented two petitions, one from Isaac Jeffries and other citizens of Penna., and the other from John T. Woodward and other citizens of Del. and Pa. They were as follows:

tional

power.

"We, the undersigned inhabitants of Penn- District of Columbia and Territories; the sylvania and Delaware, believing that the inter-state slave-trade, and a general opposiFederal Constitution, in pledging the strength tion to slavery to the full extent of constituof the whole nation to support slavery, violates the Divine law, makes war upon human rights, and is grossly inconsistent with republican principles that its attempt to unite slavery in one body politic has brought upon the country great and manifold evils, and has fully proved that no such union can exist, but by the sacrifice of freedom to the supremacy of slavery, respectfully ask you to devise and propose without delay, some plan for the immediate, peaceful dissolution of the American Union."

Upon the 1st of February, 1850, the same petitions praying a dissolution of the Union were presented in the Senate by Mr. Hale of N. H.

Mr. Webster of Mass. suggested that there should have been a preamble to the petition

in these words

Gentlemen, members of Congress, whereas at the commencement of the session, you and each of you took your solemn oaths in the presence of God and on the Holy Evangelists, that you would support the Constitution of the U. S., now therefore we pray you to take immediate steps to break up the Union and overthrow the Constitution of the United States as soon as you can. And as in duty bound we will ever pray."

In 1848, that portion of the party which did not support the Buffalo nominees took the ground of affirming the constitutional authority and duty of the General Government to abolish slavery in the States.

Under the head of "Buffalo," the platform of the Free Soil party, which nominated Mr. Van Buren, will be found.

In 1852, the Independent Democrats as they were called, who supported John P. Hale for President, adopted the following platform:

Having assembled in National Convention, as the Delegates of the Free Democracy of the United States, united by a common resolve to maintain right against wrongs, and freedom against slavery; confiding in the intelligence, patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the American people, putting our trust in God for the triumph of our cause, and invoking His guidance in our endeavors to advance it, we now submit to the candid judgment of all men the following declaration of principles

and measures:

II. That the true mission of American Democracy is to maintain the liberties of the people, the sovereignty of the states, and the perpetuity of the Union, by the impartial application to public affairs, without sectional discriminations, of the fundamental principles administration. of equal rights, strict justice, and economical

III. That the Federal Government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the government, and it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers.

IV. That the Constitution of the United States, ordained to form a more perfect union, to establish justice, and secure the blessings of liberty, expressly denies to the general government all power to deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; and therefore the government, These petitions have since then excited but having no more power to make a slave than

But three Senators voted for the reception of the petition, viz.:

Messrs. Chase, Hale, and Seward.

little attention.

Abolition Platforms.

THE first national platform of the Abolition party upon which it went into the contest in 1840, favored the abolition of slavery in the

to make a king, and no more power to esta blish slavery than to establish monarchy. should at once proceed to relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence of slavery, wherever it possesses constitutional power to legislate for its extinction.

V. That, to the persevering and importu- in limited quantities, free of cost, to landnate demands of the slave power for more less settlers. slave states, new slave territories, and the XIII. That a due regard for the Federal nationalization of slavery, our distinct and final Constitution, and sound administrative policy, answer is no more slave states, no slave ter-demand that the funds of the general governritory, no nationalized slavery, and no national legislation for the extradition of slaves.

VI. That slavery is a sin against God, and a crime against man, which no human enactment nor usage can make right; and that Christianity, humanity, and patriotism alike demand its abolition.

VII. That the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 is repugnant to the Constitution, to the principles of the common law, to the spirit of Christianity, and to the sentiments of the civilized world. We therefore deny its binding force upon the American people, and demand its immediate and total repeal.

VIII. That the doctrine that

any human law is a finality, and not subject to modification or repeal, is not in accordance with the creed of the founders of our government, and is dangerous to the liberties of the people.

ment be kept separate from banking institutions; that inland and ocean postage should be reduced to the lowest possible point; that no more revenue should be raised than is required to defray the strictly necessary expenses of the public service, and to pay off the public debt; and that the power and patronage of the government should be diminished by the abolition of all unnecessary offices, salaries, and privileges, and by the election, by the people, of all civil officers in the service of the United States, so far as may be consistent with the prompt and efficient transaction of the public business.

XIV. That river and harbor improvements, when necessary to the safety and convenience of commerce with foreign nations, or among the several states, are objects of national concern; and it is the duty of Congress, in the vide for the same. exercise of its constitutional powers, to pro

IX. That the acts of Congress, known as the Compromise Measures of 1850, by making the admission of a sovereign state contingent Old World should find a cordial welcome to XV. That emigrants and exiles from the upon the adoption of other measures demanded homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in by the special interest of slavery; by their the New; and every attempt to abridge their omission to guaranty freedom in free terri-privilege of becoming citizens and owners of tories; by their attempt to impose unconstitu- the soil among us, ought to be resisted with tional limitations on the power of Congress inflexible determination. and the people to admit new states; by their provisions for the assumption of five millions alter or change its own government, and to XVI. That every nation has a clear right to of the state debt of Texas, and for the payment administer its own concerns in such manner of five millions more, and the cession of a large territory to the same state under menace, as an happiness of the people; and foreign interferas may best secure the rights and promote the inducement to the relinquishment of a groundless claim, and by their invasion of the sover- of the law of nations, against which all indeence with that right is a dangerous violation eignty of the states and the liberties of the people through the enactment of an unjust, op-deavor by all proper means to prevent; and pendent governments should protest, and enpressive and unconstitutional Fugitive Slave especially is it the duty of the American goLaw, are proved to be inconsistent with all the vernment, representing the chief republic of principles and maxims of Democracy, and the world, to protest against, and by all prowholly inadequate to the settlement of the questions of which they are claimed to be an and emperors against nations seeking to estaper means to prevent the intervention of kings adjustment. blish for themselves republican or constitutional governments.

X. That no permanent settlement of the slavery question can be looked for, except in the practical recognition of the truth, that slavery is sectional, and freedom national; by the total separation of the general government from slavery, and the exercise of its legitimate and constitutional influence on the side of freedom; and by leaving to the states the whole subject of slavery and the extradition of fugi

tives from service.

XI. That all men have a natural right to a portion of the soil; and that, as the use of the soil is indispensable to life, the right of all men to the soil is as sacred as their right to life itself.

XII. That the public lands of the United States belong to the people, and should not be sold to individuals nor granted to corporations, but should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of the people, and should be granted

XVII. That the independence of Hayti ought to be recognised by our government, and our commercial relations with it placed on the footing of the most favored nations.

XVIII. That as, by the Constitution, "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens of the several states," the practice of imprisoning colored seamen of other states, while the vessels to which they belong lie in port, and refusing to exercise the right to bring such cases before the Supreme Court of the United States, to test the legality of such proceedings, is a flagrant violation of the Constitution, and an invasion of the rights of the citizens of other states, utterly inconsistent with the profescions made by the slaveholders, that they wish the provisions of the Constitution faithfully observed by every state in the Union.

XIX. That we recommend the introduction | nation into two parts-the Northern and the into all treaties hereafter to be negotiated be- Southern-of which the principles should be tween the United States and foreign nations, Slavery and Anti-Slavery. Five years ago, of some provision for the amicable settlement what seemed more unlikely than that the of difficulties by a resort to decisive arbitration. nation should be divided into strictly sectional XX. That the Free Democratic party is not parties as it is now? The Whigs were runorganized to aid either the Whig or Democratic ning up their bids for slaveholding support wing of the great Slave Compromise party of with a desperation which showed that they the nation, but to defeat them both; and that had abandoned any other hope of success. repudiating and renouncing both, as hope- Daniel Webster had abandoned all hope of a lessly corrupt, and utterly unworthy of confi- North, and had flung himself and all he had dence, the purpose of the Free Democracy is at the feet of the slave-masters, as his last and to take possession of the Federal Government, only chance for the eminence he sighed for. and administer it for the better protection of They spurned him away, to be sure, and sent the rights and interests of the whole people. him broken-hearted into his grave; but they appointed both the candidates and elected the one they loved the best.

XXI. That we inscribe on our banner, Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men, and under it will fight on and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions.

XXII. That upon this platform the Convention presents to the American people, as a candidate for the office of President of the United States, John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, and as a candidate for the office of Vice President of the United States, George W. Julian, of Indiana, and earnestly commends hem to the support of all freemen and parties. For the Anti-Slavery Platform of 1852, see Republican Platform."

Abolitionists and Republicans.

EXTRACTS FROM Letters, SpeechES, AND RE

SOLVES OF.

"THE ABOLITIONISTS AS PROPHETS.-Whoever has been an attentive reader of antilavery literature and journalism for the last nfteen or twenty years, cannot but have been struck with the spirit of prophecy that runs through it all. To be sure, the Abolitionists may be said to belong to that large class of prophets who help to bring about the accomplishment of their own predictions. But it is a proof that they have known what they wanted, and also how best to bring it about. They have had a clear vision from the beginning of the way in which they were to walk, and of the work which they had to do. They acted on certain fixed principles, basing their measures on the nature of things and the nature of man; and, as their principles were eternally right, and their views of man and his ways founded on reason and experience, and as their speculations and their practice had no taint of selfishness in them, it was almost inevitable that they should see clearly and act sagaciously. Only, they have not seen half that was to come to pass, and the times were hidden from them, so that they are astonished at the haste with which the procession of events hurries past, in spite of the second-sight which discerned their coming

shadows in the distant future.

"The idea of a Northern party, of a party which should not extend its ramifications into the Southern States, was regarded as something worse than a chimera, as a positive imagining of the death of the republic, as a positive misprision of treason. What a change has come over the dreams of the people since then! The Whig party, five years ago in power, and with a reasonable prospect of maintaining it, now dispersed, is demolished and ground to powder. Their very name has vanished from the face of the earth-or exists only as a mockery and a laughing-stock. The Abolitionists foresaw that this must come to pass; but they did not dream of its accomplishing itself so soon.' "That the national parties should sooner or later divide on the only real matter of dispute existing in the country, was inevitable."

"But the lines are now drawn, and the hosts are encamped over against each other. The attempt to keep up a delusive alliance with natural enemies has been abandoned.

"The Abolitionists have been telling these things in the ears of the people for a quarter of a century. They have had a double part in what has come to pass, both by preparing the minds of the people of the North, and by compelling the people of the South to the very atrocities which have startled the North into attention. Nothing but the madness which ushers in destruction and the pride which goeth before a fall, on the part of the slaveholders, could have roused the sluggish North from its comfortable dreams of wealth, and made it put itself even into a posture of resistance.

"The North is in a state of excitement, temporary perhaps, but real for the time, and the widening lines of division between the North and South are growing deep and distinct.

"It is long since this paper took the ground that the first thing, though by no means the only thing, needful was the formation of sectional parties-of parties distinctly Northern and Southern, and of necessity, slavery and anti-slavery. We rejoice that our eyes behold the day of that beginning of the end. Not that we have any very exalted hopes from the success of the Republican party, even if we con sidered its success a very likely thing. All

that it purposes to itself is to keep slavery out of Kansas, provided the actual settlers there do not want to have it in. This is a very small platform for a great party to stand upon, it must be owned; and in rejoicing to see it, we certainly are grateful for very moderate mercies. But it is not the platform that is significant-it is not the point nominally at issue that is the material thing. The position is everything. It is the attitude that is expressive and encouraging. It is the entire separation of the party from all southern alliance, and from all possibility of slaveholding help, that gives it its encouraging aspect, and makes it, with all its shortenings, a thing to thank God for.

"We need hardly say that we do not look upon this new party as one that should supersede the anti-slavery movement. It has sprung from that movement, and whatever of strength and hope it has lies in the anti-slavery feeling of the Northern mind. It is vain that servile menpleasers seek to separate this effect from its anti-slavery origin. The slaveholders stamp it with its real character, and describe it better than it likes to do itself. It is true that the differing sagacities of the Slaveholders and the Abolitionists both discern that this must be the ultimate result."-From the New York National Anti-Slavery Standard, June 21, 1856. Debate in the New England Anti-Slavery Convention, on the 29th of May, 1856.

Mr. William Lloyd Garrison said:— "I come now to the Republican party; and while I do not forget its actual position under the Constitution and within the Union, I am constrained to differ in judgment from some of my respected friends here about the comparative merits of that party. I think that they do not always accord to it all that justice demands; that they overlook the necessary formation of such a party as the result of our moral agitation; and I marvel that they do not see that to quarrel with it, to the extent they are doing, is to quarrel with cause and effect-with the work of our own hands.

Mrs. Foster.-I admit that the party is our own progeny; but, as every child needs a great deal of reproof and constant effort to bring it up in the way it should go, this party, which is the necessary offspring of our efforts, needs constant admonition and rebuke; and, God giving me strength, I will not spare it an hour until it is fully educated, reformed, and brought up to the high position of truth and duty. [Applause.]

"Mr. Foster.-Do you believe they can succeed?

"I cannot, therefore, agree with such of our friends here as regard it as the worst or most dangerous party with which our movement has to contend. In its attitude toward the. slave power, in the amount of conscience and humanity to be found in it, in its direct effort to baffle the designs of the slave oligarchy respecting the territories of the country, it is a far better party than either of the others. and to that extent it is a sign of progress which we have no cause to lament. I have said again and again, that in proportion to the growth of disunionism will be the growth of Republicanism or Free-Soilism. I think if you will examine the map of Massachusetts, for example, you will find this to hold true, with singular uniformity: that in those places where there are the most Abolitionists who have disfranchised themselves for conscience and the slave's sake, the heaviest vote is thrown for the Free-Soil ticket. This is as inevitable as the law of gravitation. The greater includes the less. If we should begin our work over again, and try the same experiment ten thousand times over, we should have the same result in the formation of the same party. Why, then, should any one speak in a tone of despondency, or feel that our cause is in imminent danger of being wrecked? Is this to take a philosophical view of the subject? Such then, is my judgment of the Republican party."

Although I am not one of that class of men who cry for the perpetuation of the Union, though I am willing in a certain state of circumstances to led it slide,' I have no fear for its perpetuation. But let me say, if the chief object of the people of this country be to maintain and propagate chattel property in man, in other words, human slavery, this Union cannot and ought not to stand.". Speech of Mr. Speaker Banks.*

On the 16th of January, 1855, the Rev. Mr. Beecher said, in a lecture in New York, on the subject of cutting the North from the South:

"All attempts at evasion, at adjourning, at concealing and compromising, are in vain. The reason of our long agitation is, not that restless Abolitionists are abroad, that ministers will meddle with improper themes, that parties are disregardful of their country's interest. These are symptoms only, not the disease; the effects, not the causes.

"Two great powers that will not live together are in our midst, and tugging at each other's throats. They will search each other out, though you separate them a hundred times. And if by an insane blindness you shall contrive to put off the issue, and send this unsettled dispute down to your children, it will go down, gathering volume and strength at every step, to waste and desolate their heritLet it be settled now. age. Clear the place.

Mr. Garrison.—Certainly not! But that is not the question. They believe that they can. They laugh at my incredulity because I do not believe it. I think that, ere long, they will be satisfied that I am right, and that they have been deluded; in which case, I expect then to hear them cry, 'Excelsior-come Bring in the champions. Let them put their up higher!' and to see many of them take their position under the banner of disunion.

* Mr. Banks disclaims this sentiment.

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