pion of the Prussian point of view. It was a legacy from the Prince, she said.' She did not realise that the Prussia of the Prince's day was dead, and that a new Prussia, the Prussia of Bismarck, was born. Perhaps Palmerston, with his queer prescience, instinctively apprehended the new danger; at any rate, he and Lord John were agreed upon the necessity of supporting Denmark against Prussia's claims. But opinion was sharply divided, not only in the country but in the Cabinet. For eighteen months the controversy raged; while the Queen, with persistent vehemence, opposed the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary. When at last the final crisis arose-when it seemed possible that England would join forces with Denmark in a war against Prussia-Victoria's agitation grew febrile in its intensity. Towards her German relatives she preserved a discreet appearance of impartiality; but she poured out upon her Ministers a flood of appeals, protests, and expostulations. She invoked the sacred cause of Peace. "The only chance of preserving peace for Europe," she wrote, "is by not assisting Denmark, who has brought this entirely upon herself.

1 Morley, II, 102; Ernest, IV, 133: "I know that our dear angel Albert, always regarded a strong Prussia as a necessity, for which, therefore, it is a sacred duty for me to work."-Queen Victoria to the Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, August 29, 1863.

The Queen suffers much, and her nerves are more

and more totally shattered. . . . But though all this anxiety is wearing her out, it will not shake her firm purpose of resisting any attempt to involve this country in a mad and useless combat." She was, she declared, "prepared to make a stand," even if the resignation of the Foreign Secretary should follow.1 The Queen," she told Lord Granville, "is completely exhausted by the anxiety and suspense, and misses her beloved husband's help, advice, support, and love in an overwhelming manner." She was so worn out by her efforts for peace that she could “hardly hold up her head or hold her pen."" England did not go to war, and Denmark was left to her fate; but how far the attitude of the Queen contributed to this result it is impossible, with our present knowledge, to say. On the whole, however, it seems probable that the determining factor in the situation was the powerful peace party in the Cabinet rather than the imperious and pathetic pressure of Victoria.

It is, at any rate, certain that the Queen's enthusiasm for the sacred cause of peace was shortlived. Within a few months her mind had completely altered. Her eyes were opened to the true 1 Fitzmaurice, I, 459, 460.' 2 Ibid., I, 472-3

nature of Prussia, whose designs upon Austria were about to culminate in the Seven Weeks' War. Veering precipitately from one extreme to the other, she now urged her Ministers to interfere by force of arms in support of Austria. But she urged in vain.1

Her political activity, no more than her social seclusion, was approved by the public. As the years passed, and the royal mourning remained as unrelieved as ever, the animadversions grew more general and more severe. It was observed that the Queen's protracted privacy not only cast a gloom over high society, not only deprived the populace of its pageantry, but also exercised a highly deleterious effect upon the dressmaking, millinery, and hosiery trades. This latter consideration carried great weight. At last, early in 1864, the rumour spread that Her Majesty was about to go out of mourning, and there was much rejoicing in the newspapers; but unfortunately it turned out that the rumour was quite without foundation. Victoria, with her own hand, wrote a letter to The Times to say so. This idea," she declared, "cannot be too explicitly contradicted. "The Queen," the letter continued, "heartily appreciates the desire of her subjects to see her, and 1 Clarendon, II, 310-1.

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whatever she can do to gratify them in this loyal and affectionate wish, she will do. . . . .. But there are other and higher duties than those of mere representation which are now thrown upon the Queen, alone and unassisted duties which she cannot neglect without injury to the public service, which weigh unceasingly upon her, overwhelming her with work and anxiety."1 The justification might have been considered more cogent had it not been known that those "other and higher duties " emphasised by the Queen consisted for the most part of an attempt to counteract the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell. A large section—perhaps a majority—of the nation were violent partisans of Denmark in the Schleswig-Holstein quarrel; and Victoria's support of Prussia was widely denounced. A wave of unpopularity, which reminded old observers of the period preceding the Queen's marriage more than twenty-five years before, was beginning to rise. The press was rude; Lord Ellenborough attacked the Queen in the House of Lords; there were curious whispers in high quarters that she had had thoughts of abdicating-whispers followed by regrets that she had not done so. Victoria, out

1 The Times, April 6, 1864; Clarendon, II, 290.

2 Clarendon, II, 292-8.