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The Poems of Emma Lazarus.-The Human Mystery in Hamlet. By Martin W. Cooke.-The American Book of Church Services. By Edward Hungerford.—An Introductory New Testament Greek Method. By W. R. Harper, Ph.D., and R. F. Weidner, D.D.-Elements of Hebrew Syntax. By W. R. Harper, Ph.D.
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The History of the Roman Republic.
ABRIDGED FROM THE HISTORY BY PROF. MOMMSEN. By C. BRYANS and F. J. R. HENDY. 12mo, $1.75.
This abridgment of Prof. Theodor Mommsen's popular "History of the Roman Republic" presents the salient points of the original in an attractive and condensed form.
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By WILLIAM G. T. SHEDD, D.D., Roosevelt Professor of Systematic Theology in Union Theological Seminary. 2 vols., 8vo, $7.00.
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An Introductory New Testament, Greek Method.
By Professor WILLIAM R. HARPER, Ph.D., Yale University, and Professor R. F. WEIDNER, D.D., Augustana Theological Seminary. 12mo. Price, $2.50 net. Many who have not studied Classical Greek desire to know New Testament Greek. For these as well as for those who, having studied Classical Greek, desire to review more particularly the principles of New Testament Greek, this book is intended.
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ARTICLE I.—BRYCE ON AMERICAN LEGISLATION. The American Commonwealth. By JAMES BRYCE, Author of the "Holy Roman Empire," M. P. for Aberdeen. In two volumes. London: MacMillan & Co., and New York. 1888. 8vo, pp. xx. 750, 743.
PROFESSOR BRYCE has brought to this work on the American Commonwealth two things not often united in a critic of our institutions, an extensive and exact acquaintance with history, and that familiarity with practical politics which comes only from actual contact with it, in important official positions. He is a close observer, but does not weary the reader with too much particularity of detail. It is a fault of Englishmen, he owns, in book-making to try to cover the whole ground with equal minuteness, and it is a fault from which he has kept himself free. And, on the other hand, this self-distrust which withheld him from giving careful attention to many matters
which are really intelligible only to Americans, has limited the generalizations which he draws to comparatively narrow bounds. It is not however because he had formed few. "When I first visited America," he says, "eighteen years ago, I brought home a swarm of bold generalizations. Half of them were thrown overboard after a second visit in 1881. Of the half that remained some were dropped into the Atlantic when I returned across it after a third visit in 1883-84; and although the two latter journeys gave birth to some new views, these views are fewer and more discreetly cautious than their departed sisters of 1870."
One of the earliest which he puts forward is that "parties have been organized far more elaborately in the United States than anywhere else in the world, and have passed more completely under the control of a professional class."
It may be doubted whether this is true except as to national politics, and the government of our great cities. The rule of the political "boss" is generally felt in inverse proportion to the territory he seeks to cover, but as regards our Presidential elections, it must be owned that the machinery by which they are evolved is supplied less by law than by party usage. The device of the electoral college, which the framers of our Constitution fondly imagined would frustrate every attempt to subordinate the will of the individual elector to that of any aggregation of individuals, has proved inadequate to cope with the power of the caucus and the press, the railroad and the telegraph.
This, however, was almost the only thing in which they failed to forecast the development of their work with some degree of precision. After all deductions, says Mr. Bryce, the Constitution of the United States ranks above every other known to history "for the intrinsic excellence of its scheme, its adaptation to the circumstances of the people, the simplicity, brevity, and precision of its language, its judicious mixture of definiteness in principle with elasticity in details." No small part of its merits he ascribes to its accepting as its model in general the Constitutions already adopted and in use in the several States. So far as it followed them it had a settled experience to "ely on, but "nearly every provision that has