frontier life that they were unmindful of higher interests. It is to be kept in mind that this was not a New England community of the most elevated type; and that for this reason, all that these men did is the more significant. So we call attention to the fact that, in each of the two plantations, among the very first things with which they concerned themselves was a suitable provision for both religion and education. In Sippican, when the proprietors met in April, 1680, to draw lots for homesteads and salt meadows, they appointed the first and second house-lots drawn, with two meadows, and two lots in the best of the woodland, "for the minister & for the ministrie." The people, too, on their part, offered to build “a meeting-house." It was "to be sit on the westerly Sid of the long bridg," and they "did agree to pay for the meeting-house which was to be builded by a free-will offering of fifty pounds." Rights to build pews were sold by auction; the pews "to be al of a haith and bult work manlike," and seats were to be placed "nye the pulpit stairs for Antient parsons to sett in."

No less than this would have satisfied what from the first seems to have been almost an instinct of all New Englanders; yet it must be confessed that, as a matter of fact, it was not till three years later that the Rev. Samuel Shiverick was procured "to preach the word of god to them at Scippican ;" and not till seventeen years later, that a meeting-house was built. Six years more passed before a church was organized, when the Reverend Samuel Arnold wrote in the records, with great satisfaction: "It hath pleased our gracious God to shine in this dark corner of this wilderness and visit this dark spot of ground with the dayspring from on high, through his tender mercy to settle a church according to the order of the Gospel, October 13, A. D. 1703."

Here another fact is to be noticed, significant both of the sense of justice which marked the people and especially of the readiness which early manifested itself everywhere in New England to throw away all views which they had brought from England which conflicted with the new condition of things. It appears that, when the church was organized, some of the people in Sippican were found to be no longer of the prevailing religious faith. Accordingly these persons protested

against being called on to pay the tax which was laid "for the encouragement & soport of a minister." This protest was consided, and an abatement of the tax was made "upon such inhabitantce as are of contrery judgement & now professed Quakers."

As another illustration of the honorable spirit with which this little community of frontiersmen was disposed to act in all its dealings, we find that after the first apportionment, when it was proposed "to Laye oute sum hie waye into the Neckes" on the bay, and it was found that such a highway "must of neseseti come over the southerd end of Samuel Bate his home lots which was veri much damig" to him, each proprietor gave him as compensation "his sevrel rite in two or three small peses of medo [meadow].

It is to be noticed also that the same spirit of justice was shown in their treatment of the Indians. They had purchased their lands from "the Court," yet when they found that their title was disputed by some of the Indian sachems-"Charles," "Manomet Peter," and "Will Connet," as they were called by the English-the proprietors, after considering their claims, settled with them all to their full satisfaction. "Will Connet's" claim was the largest. He professed to be "lord paramount of all the territory bordering on the Weweantet and Woonkinco rivers to 'Plymouthes westerly tree at Agawaame,”" and "did disclaime and defie the title of every these men called the purchasers of Sepecan." The proprietors "satisfied him by paying him a pound sterling, a trucking cloth coat valued at ten shillings, and by making him a member of their company. His name was written upon the roll of shareholders described in the records of the Plymouth Court as-" Substanciall men that are prudent psons and of considerable estates." It is well to notice what was the effect of their action. This wild Indian-" Will Connet"--became a peaceable citizen, ready to recognize all the responsibilities of his new status. When the proprietors taxed themselves for building a grist-mill, he "promised for him self and his brother John to give six barrells of tarr to wards sd mill."

We have already stated that the proprietors of these plantations, in accordance with another of the instincts of New

Englanders, expressed their intention of making provision for education. But even in Plymouth itself, their fathers had been accused of culpable negligence in the care of their schools; and perhaps it is not surprising that as far as appears from this book--it was not till after twenty-six years had passed that the people chose "mrs. jane mashell for to teach childered & youth to Reed & to writte." For "her panes" she was "to have her dyet, and to receive twelve pounds." Her migratory school does not seem to have been what might be called a success, for it was not long before doubts arose about the "soberness of her conversation," and three "ungallant men," as Mr. Bliss calls them, "requested to have theire protest entered for that they accounted she was not as the law directs."

Having described the manner in which these two little communities came into existence, Mr. Bliss next proceeds to give a picture of the social life that existed in them for the first fifty years. It is to be remembered that they were more isolated from the rest of the world than any community at the present time in Idaho. The principal occupation of the people was the tillage of the soil, which, when fertilized with fish and sea weeds, produced abundant crops of corn, rye, wheat, oats, and flax. They also traded in peltries, fish, and timber. They gathered turpentine from the pine trees which abounded on every side. "In each family, the labors of the day began before sunrise; and sons, daughters, and indentured servants all took part in them. They suspended work only for their meals, and ended it only when the candles were put out at early bedtime. The women did the housework, tended the hens, the geese, and the calves; scoured the brass warming-pans and pewter dishes; spun flax and wool yarn, and wove them into cloths from which the clothing and bedding of the family were made by their own hands; and if more was made than was needed at home, it was bartered away." In such a community there were no poor people. There was no reason that the larder of the humblest family among them should not be bountifully supplied with food, and "they supplemented their tables with game from the forests, with water-fowl and shorebirds, which frequented the maritime parts of the plantation in

great numbers. Besides what food the sea liberally furnished, they had also choice from flesh of beef, mutton, venison, partridge, and wild turkey."

The social life of the times receives still further illustration from the description which Mr. Bliss gives of the way in which the people dealt with each other in trade and barter. There was very little, if any ready money. Accounts were allowed to stand open for years before they were settled; and when at last the amounts had been carefully reckoned, the balance was adjusted with a promise to rectify thereafter any mistakes. To show how this was done we quote a few of the queer entries which Mr. Bliss has gathered from some of the old account books which he has examined.

"Reconed with Joseph blakmor and thare is due him one bushall of wheat and 12 bushalls of otes and 11 bushalls of inden corn and one shilling."

"Reconed with margret bates as Execter to har husband and ol acounts balenced A mistak in Reconing 6 shilling for my hos."

"Reconed with Ebnezer Swift and thare is a mistak of 2 quarts of maleses."

"Reconed with Ebnezer Luce and acounts balanced from the begining of the world to the date here of."

A certain farmer, we are also told, in payment of the charges of a tanner for the exercise of his "mystery," threw in "one dog" to balance the account.

Now it is not at all surprising that such a people, who were industrious in their habits, should soon begin to feel that the great object of life was to get out of their farms every farthing that they could be made to yield. It became the habit of their lives to squander nothing and to practice a rigid economy in all things. How close and shrewd they learned to be in their bargains appears from some additional entries quoted from that same old account book.

"February. Samuel bates to worck with me 6 mounths for 22 pounds and if he loos Any time to abate acordingly and If I se cause to have him make up the los of timme after he hath made his Salt hay he is to du it."

"November 8 Ebnezer bessee to work for mee to 10 day of March at night with his own ax and I am to find him meet drink washing and loging And I am to give him the vallew of 10 pounds but not in mony and hee is to cut 2 cords of wood in a day when hee doth no other work, and I am to pay him one half in goods and the other in bills of credit and if I think he dont ern his wages he is to go Away."

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January the 28 day Theophilus Wood hiered him self to mee for one Yeare for thirty-six pounds.

An additional entry in this account with Theophilus Wood shows how the worthy laboring man fared when he was laid aside from work for a few days by "fever and ague fits." The following charge was formally entered in the farmer's book for "time loost."

"April. Dr. to siknes the fever and ago 4 fites one weke and three the next."

Just how soon the authorities of the Colony of Massachusetts found it necessary to assume the responsibility of administering some form of government over this region of Arcadian simplicity and happiness does not appear from the statements in the book from which we derive all our information. Apparently it was not long before Mr. Israel Fearing was commissioned as "His Majesty's Justice of the Peace:" and it is interesting to see how he was regarded by his neighbors. We are told the people spoke of him as "The Squire," and treated him with respect as the representative of "our Sovereign Lord the King." He was not put in office because he was wise and learned in the law; but rather because he was one of the "most sufficient persons" dwelling, in the county, "known to be loyal, of dignified deportment, and possessed of lands or tenements yielding a certain annual value.”

Mr. Bliss says: "The colonial laws which he administered had been made by wise legislators, who intended that there should be neither traveling, labor, nor amusement on Sunday, but a solemn and decorous observance of the day by everybody, and a general attendance at the public services in the meeting-house; that there should be no profane swearing, nor cursing of persons or creatures; no drunkenness, nor brawls; that debtors should pay their debts, and if a debtor could not