of a meeting of the citizens of Palmyra, a town in the State of New York, for the purpose of taking measures for "ridding that place of the vagabond negroes" by whom it was alledged "to be infested to an alarming extent, and for devising some efficient and legal means of security against their nocturnal depredations and demoralizing influence;" and in the proceedings of the meeting it was declared "that they had been seriously annoyed by these people," who they pronounce to be, "with few exceptions, lazy, dissolute, pilfering vagabonds, generally refusing to labor for adequate compensation, but depending on their nightly thefts and the poor laws for their means of subsistence:" and they request "the owners of houses which they occupy to expel them forthwith, and hereafter to refuse to receive them as tenants." This meeting was held, and these declarations were made, by a part of the inhabitants of the State of New York, at the very time another part of them were sending their vile publications to this quarter in order to effect a change, which might convert the honest and industrious servants here, into such "dissolute and pilfering vagabonds," as they resolve to expel from their territories and exclude from their houses. It can only be necessary to state this fact, to enable every reader to form a correct opinion of it. If a few free negroes were found so offensive and troublesome to the citizens of New York, why should they be anxious to increase their numbers, where they have no certainty of their being more acceptable or more orderly? Why not leave the coloured population here in quiet enjoyment of the comforts with which they are provided, and to that salutary employ. ment which preserves them from the vices and debasement, which are the usual consequences of idleness?

The efforts of the Abolitionists, it is clear, are not calculated to promote the interests, or advance the comfort of the slaves or their owners -but if they did either, what right have they to intermeddle with this subject at all? what right have they to send their publications or their emissaries here to promulgate doctrines calculated to excite discontent in any portion of our community? If let alone, the slave population of our country would quietly discharge their duties, and be satisfied with their situation. The cultivation of the earth requires and must have laborers, but those laborers are nowhere without their comforts and I have little doubt, if an accurate estimate could be made, but that there would be found to be as much actual enjoyment amongst the cultivators of the earth at the South, as there would be amongst an equal number of laborers in any other places-there would be found as few individuals amongst them suffering for the necessaries of life, and as few wives and children in want. How often do we read of tumultuous proceedings in foreign countries amongst laborers from distresses ex

perienced for want of employment, and how serious are sometimes the evils of these tumults? But in the slave holding States these difficul. ties do not occur-the labor that is required is performed as directed, and the industrious slave having executed his task for his master, has often a part of the day to work for himself, and has a piece of land assigned him to work on, and he often realizes an ample reward for his industry. When there happens to be little work to do the slave is not troubled in consequence of it, and if the result of his labor proves less profitable than was hoped for, the slave is not incommoded thereby, his wants are supplied, and he is satisfied. Where is the necessity then for strangers to intermeddle with his condition? and what right have they to intrude like the serpent into the garden of Eden to disturb the peace of those, who without such interference, would enjoy uninterrupted tranquillity? The slaves themselves are not, and can not be benefited by such intrusions, and they are usually far from desiring them. As one, amongst other evidences of this, I will mention the following circumstance, which I understood recently occurred at no great distance from this place. A respectable planter had given permission to a white individual to hold religious meetings with his coloured people on his premises at pleasure. This individual, instead of attending to his proper duty, had the imprudence to address his audience on the subject of their civil condition, without an effort to communicate to them moral instruction. The negroes being unwilling to listen to what they knew could not benefit them, one of them went to his owner and informed him of the course pursued the gentleman told him that he must be mistaken, that the man he spoke of would not make such a return for the indulgence afforded him—well, said his informer, "you come to-night Massa where we hab meeting and you hear for yourself." The gentleman accordingly took two friends with him and placed himself in a situation to become acquainted with all that transpired, and to his great surprise he heard the speaker delivering a pretty well finish. ed abolition discourse to his people. Without any apology for the little interruption he occasioned, he with his friends entered the house and took the orator, in the midst of his labors, unceremoniously into custo. dy-he told the negroes that he hoped their speaker intended to do them good, but as he had forgotten the purpose for which he was ad. mitted there, and was attempting to lead them into mischief, he would reward him according to his merits. He therefore adopted prompt measures for impressing upon the speaker what he supposed would be a seasonable lesson of instruction for his future course of conduct, and then dismissed him, with directions to make no more visits to that quar. He accordingly made an expeditious retreat from the civilities he was receiving, and in all probability was ready to complain of the

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little countenance shown to his attempts to corrupt those he pretended to instruct. And is it to be supposed that men of this stamp, when once known, are to have free access to the plantations of those whose confidence they thus abuse? Or is it surprising that when facts of this kind are disclosed, that even missionary services to the coloured population should sometimes be received with suspicion and caution?

The conduct of the Abolitionists of the North in their efforts to distribute their vile publications through the Southern country is as little justifiable as was that of the individual just mentioned. They manifest an unwarrantable inclination to interfere with our domestic relations, and their conduct must have an injurious influence upon the intercourse between themselves and our citizens. It is calculated to occasion unpleasant feelings towards many who may come here for business or for pleasure-particularly may it create suspicions against persons coming here to solicit subscriptions for literary works, or for the delivery of such, after they have been subscribed for-and those suspicions once entertained, would be found seriously embarrassing to those against whom they existed. And why should inconveniences of this kind be submitted to, in order that a few visionary fanatics might be indulged in their extravagance and folly. Their conduct also, while it tends to interrupt social intercourse, has a tendency to retard the instruction which otherwise many persons might be inclined to have communicated to their domestics. For who would take the trouble of learning his servants to read, when it was known that after he had accomplished this, a set of unprincipled beings would watch for opportunities of placing in their hands publications not intended to improve their moral characters, but to corrupt their hearts, and to destroy their usefulness? Already have the Abolitionists done more injury to our colored population, as relates to their improvement, than they can readily repair, even with the aid of Mr. Thompson, from England, who seems to have become somewhat conspicuous amongst them. In relation to this individual it may not be improper to remark, that as a stranger in our land, he seems to be more than politely officious in matters he has no business to meddle with. One would suppose that ordinary prudence would suggest to a person just landed upon our shores, that the slave question was one which it belonged to our citizens to manage for themselves-but Mr. Thompson seems to imagine that he can communicate new information to them on this subject, and that the warmth of his eloquence is required to enkindle a new glow of fervor in relation to it. With the views he entertains, it may be a question whether he has not committed an error in the choice of the section of country in which to exercise his powers-for, from what we have seen, there seems to be no deficiency of zeal in this matter at the

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North, and it would appear, therefore, that it would be at the South where his eloquence might most appropriately be employed. make speeches in New York or Boston, about slavery in South Caro. lina or Georgia, would seem to be doing nothing that could not be effected without his aid. If he is desirous of changing the organiza. tion of society at the South, to the South let him come-let him here unfold his commission and deliver his message, and I have no doubt he will have demonstrable evidence that his labors have not been altoge. ther without effect. He would no doubt receive due attention from our citizens, and they would in all probability do rather more justice to him, than he has in any of his remarks, ever yet done, or ever will do to them.

Notwithstanding the labored representations of such intermeddlers as Thompson and others, it is highly probable that the negroes here are actually better off than if they were free, and those from abroad better off too than if they had never come from Africa. That they are better off than if they were free, may be estimated by comparing the condition of the free negroes at the North, or in this quarter, with that of the slaves, and it would probably be found, with an occasional exception in both classes, that the slave population, as to comfort, usefulness and moral character, would have a decided preference. And as relates to Africa, it is well known that the negroes there are grossly depraved, corrupt, superstitious and cruel-and utterly ignorant of those great truths with which their eternal interests are connected; And though their instruction here is acknowledged to be limited, yet none of them become, or continue to be, idolaters here; almost all of them have opportunities of hearing the messages of salvation-and many of them become eminently pious. I know of more than one instance of an African negro, who being asked if he was not sorry he was brought to this country, replied, "O no massa; I tank God I been brought here—if I had stay in my own country I would never hear about Christ. I got to die sometime, but if I had not been come here I should not know what would become of me after I been dead—but I now know I have a blessed Saviour I can trust to Suppose my body suffer sometimes here, what consequence is that, my soul is free,—there is one God for slave and for freeman-one Saviour for all-and all who trust in him and do their duty here, will be happy when done with this world-O I bless God that I been brought to this country." This was the simple declaration of a poor African here, who, contented with his condition upon earth, was faithful in the discharge of his duty, and who felt confident of everlasting happiness when his earthly course was completed.

It has not been contemplated, as far as I know, in the attempts to

trample upon the rights of the Southern people to make compensation for any slaves proposed to be wrested from them, because this would induce an expense that could not readily be provided for. But this dif ficulty, it is thought, may be overcome by a sort of refined robbery; that is, by taking the servant from the control and service of his owner, and turning him loose in society, in defiance of those constitutional provisions, by which it has heretofore been supposed this species of property was protected. It would be needless to remark upon the palpable injustice of such a course. That circumstances may occur when a private injury must be submitted to for the public good, will not be questioned as for instance, when a fire is raging which threatens an extensive conflagration, a dwelling house or other building in the range of the destructive element, may be blown up, or pulled down, without any previous negotiation on the subject, for the exigency of the case requires and justifies the proceeding; but no such necessity exists in the slave case, and it would be as reasonable to desire the passage of a law to deprive ship owners of their vessels, to be turned adrift on the ocean, as to desire the passage of a law to deprive slave owners of their servants, to be turned adrift upon land. A desire, it would seem, as unnatural to entertain, as it would be unreasonable to attempt to

execute.

Were there no slaves in the Southern States, and were the question now to be submitted to the inhabitants of them, whether slavery should be introduced there or not, it is highly probable the decision would be against the expediency of admitting it. But slavery is already here, not brought here by the present generation of slave holders, but by those, or the ancestors of those, who are now opposed to it; and it is so incorporated with the state of society here in all its ramifications, that whether it will ever be exterminated is a question of no easy solution. That it cannot, and that it will not be removed by the efforts of the Northern anti-slavery or abolition societies may be considered as unquestionably certain. Their imprudent course will tend rather to retard than advance the object at which they aim, and their expectations of a speedy execution of their purposes, are altogether extravagant and preposterous. From an early period of the settlement of our country, slave labor has been employed in producing the valuable staple articles of the Southern States, and in advancing their prosperity. More than half in value of all the foreign exports of the whole United States is at this moment the produce of slave labor, and when to this is added the vast amount for interior consumption, and for the coasting commerce, is it to be supposed that a sudden check can be put to that industry which produces such important results? It may be said possibly, that it is not intended by the Abolitionists, to check this industry. But would not the success of their efforts effectually arrest it, by weakening the spring, or destroying the impulse which gave to it all its activity? Is it supposed that the consummation of their desires, would not produce such a deleterious change in the order of society here, as seriously to affect the happiness and prosperity of all classes? The labor usually required at the South, must at all events be performed. and as no sagacity could speedily substitute free labor, for slave labor, it is very evident that the withdrawal of the latter could not fail of being