replied: "It never was our intention; and if it had depended upon us, that decree would not have been passed." These pregnant words, coolly uttered by Urban, when repeated to Galileo were well calculated to mislead him into infringing the decree, in the spirit if not in the letter. They seem, however, to have been at least as incorrect as the reply reported on the same subject to Cardinal Hohenzollern in 1624. Urban entirely forgot that he had not interceded in any way in 1616 for the astronomical system threatened with condemnation. And his conduct showed that he must have

been a party to it. We need only call to mind how inexorable he had been on the question in 1624 to Galileo himself, and how sternly he afterwards allowed proceedings to be taken against him. Urban could only have acted in this way because he was convinced of the danger of the Copernican system to the Christian philosophy. And he was far too shrewd not to perceive how the modern views threatened a religion based upon ancient astronomy. His remark to Campanella, therefore, was nothing but smooth words, and this is fully confirmed by subsequent events. But they could not fail to inspire Galileo with confidence that under Urban VIII. an ingenious circumvention of the decree would give no offence at the Vatican. Besides this, Castelli reported in the same letter that Mgr. Ciampoli, who was also well informed, was firmly convinced that Galileo's personal appearance at Rome would immediately remove any difficulty that might occur about publishing the "Dialogues." 2 Another letter from Castelli of 6th April urged him to set out for the papal residence, where, to quote the words of Ciampoli, "they were longing for him more than for a lady love." 3

1 "Non fu mai nostra intenzione, e se fosse toccato a noi non si sarrebe fatto quel decreto." (Op. ix. p. 176.)

2 Op. ix. pp. 176, 177.

3 "Che lei è desiderata piu che qualsivoglia amatissima donzella." (Op. ix. p. 178.)

Full of hope from these promising reports, on 3rd May Galileo arrived at Rome with the MS. of his "Dialogues." And events during his two months' stay seemed to realise his expectations. Soon after his arrival he had a long audience of Urban VIII., and wrote on 18th May in high spirits to Florence:-" His Holiness has begun to treat my affairs in a way that permits me to hope for a favourable result."1 Riccardi also met Galileo, as was to be expected from Castelli's letters, in the most obliging way. Galileo showed him his work with the express request that he would examine it closely. The papal censor, however, could not but perceive, with all his personal regard for Galileo, that in his "Dialogues" he had by no means always kept, de facto, within the limits of hypothetical treatment of the Copernican system, and in some parts had far exceeded them. He decided, therefore, both as his official duty and in the interest of Galileo himself, to have the book altered to the hypothetical standpoint. Many corrections were to be made, and both preface and conclusion were to be altered so as to agree with them. Riccardi intrusted the first task to his official assistant, Father Rafael Visconti, who seemed well qualified for it in his capacity of professor of mathematics. He executed it with equal prudence and ingenuity, improved many passages, and finally approved the work thus revised.

The middle of June had meanwhile arrived, and Galileo was anxious to leave Rome on account of the heat. But Riccardi wished to look through the "Dialogues" once more after they had been revised by Visconti, before giving them his imprimatur. Galileo represented that this second revision was not customary, and succeeded in inducing Riccardi to grant permission for the printing for Rome."

1 Op. ix. p. 188.

* In the narration of this most important transaction we have followed the memorial which, later on, at the beginning of the trial of Galileo, was handed to the Pope by the preliminary commission. This is an authentic document, agreeing as far as it relates to these transactions with

On the other hand, Galileo undertook to fashion the beginning and end of the work in accordance with a plan of the supreme authorities of the censorship. There were also still a few passages to be personally discussed with the author; and as he was unable to stay longer at Rome without danger to his health, which was already beginning to suffer, it was agreed that he should return in the autumn, and meanwhile1 he would prepare the index and the dedication to the Grand Duke, and revise the preface and conclusion. The main condition, however, under which Riccardi gave the book his imprimatur, was that after its final completion it should be submitted to him; and in order to avoid loss of time, he engaged to look it through sheet by sheet, and to send each at once to press after inspection. As was usual in the case of members of the Accadémia dei Lincei, the work was to be published in the name of this society, and the president, Prince Cesi, was to see it through the press.

So at the end of June Galileo returned to Florence with his MS. and the ecclesiastical imprimatur, which was granted bona fide for Rome without reserve. There were indeed sundry conditions attached to it, to be arranged privately; but they seemed to present so little difficulty, that a few days after he left on 29th June, Niccolini reported to Cioli that Signor Galileo left last Wednesday, perfectly satisfied, and with his affairs quite settled.3

Galileo's correspondence. (Op. vi. pp. 274-277; Suppl. pp. 233-235.) It is inconceivable how Albèri (Op. Suppl. p. 238, note 2) can have fallen into the mistake of supposing that Galileo had not received the imprimatur at all, though he himself publishes documents which prove the contrary; as, for instance, the letter of Visconti to Galileo of 16th June, 1630 (Suppl. p. 235); Galileo's to Cioli of 7th March, 1631 (Op. vi. pp. 374-376); a letter of Riccardi's to the Tuscan ambassador at Rome, Niccolini, of 28th April, 1631 (Op. ix. pp. 243, 244); and finally, a letter from Niccolini to Cioli of Sep., 1632 (Op ix. pp. 420–423). Martin also expresses his surprise at this error of Albèri's (p. 102, note 2).

1 Op. ix. pp. 193 and 205.

2 Op. vi. p. 346, note 2.

3 Wolynski, "La Diplomazia Toscana e Gal. Galilei,” p. 35.

But events were now at hand which long deferred Galileo's ardent desire to see the results of his unwearied researches and labours speedily given to the world, and which involved complications afterwards taken advantage of by his enemies to effect the ruin of their great opponent.

CHAPTER II.

THE IMPRIMATUR FOR THE “DIALOGUES.”

Death of Prince Cesi.-Dissolution of the Accadémia dei Lincei.—Galileo advised to print at Florence.-Difficulties and Delays. His Impatience. -Authorship of the Introduction.-The Imprimatur granted for Florence.-Absurd Accusation from the style of the Type of the Introduction.

SIX weeks had scarcely elapsed after Galileo's return from Rome, when he received from his friend Francesco Stelluti the startling intelligence of the death of his influential patron, Prince Cesi, who had been snatched away on 1st August by an attack of fever, after a few days' illness. This was a great blow to Galileo. It was not only that he lost in the prince an adherent, as influential as he was devoted, but his death just then was of the greatest moment on account of he "Dialogues." There was, perhaps, no one so well qualified to forward their publication as Cesi, who, as president of the Accadémia dei Lincei, seemed just the man for it. The Academy, deprived of its strongest support, was gradually dissolved, after the hand was wanting which knew how to weave its multitudinous threads into a firm and solid fabric.

Only the third week after the prince's death, Galileo felt the first effects of his heavy loss. In a letter of 24th August, Castelli urgently advised him "for many most weighty reasons which he did not wish just then to commit to paper, to have the work printed at Florence, and as soon as possible." Castelli added that he had inquired of Father Visconti whether this would present any difficulties, to which he had replied that there was nothing to prevent, and he 2 Ibid. pp. 201, 202.

2

1 Op. ix. pp. 198, 199.