manifested but a slight disposition for national courtesy, or for individual intercourse, or for a beneficial Commerce of any description. In other words, they 'neglected-to use Pontiac's phrase, all those cirsumstances which made the neighborhood of the French agreeable, and which might have made their ⚫wn at least tolerable. The conduct of the latter never gave rise to suspicion. Theirs never gave rest to it.

Thus, we suppose, the case might present itself to the mind of the Ottawa Chieftain. And while such was the apparent disposition, or indifference to any disposition in particular, of the English towards the Indians,—and such the consequent liability, if not the reasonable prospect on the part of the latter, if the former should occupy Canada,-Pontiac was not likely to forget that they had conquered the French. He saw too that they were rapidly and firmly establish ing their new dominion, by movements which, at all events, did not purport to promote the interest of the Indians. And he knew, no doubt,-certainly he soon ascertained, that whereas the French of Canada and the Colonies of New-England had hitherto, by their action upon each other, left the third party in a good measure disengaged, the new comers were themselves from Old England, if not New;-speaking the same language (and that a strange one to the natives ;) subject to the same government; and ready at all times to be very conveniently supplied and supported, to an indefinite extent, by those powerful Southern Colonies which had long before destroyed or driven off the Indians from their own borders.

So Pontiac reasoned; and he looked into futurity far enough to foresee that ultimate fatal result to his race, which now was the only time, if indeed there was yet time, to prevent. Immediate occasions of hostility there might be besides; but these must be the subject of mere speculation. Affections which do him honor, predisposed him to believe that the Eng. lish had done injustice to his old friends the French

and the French might further endeavor to persuade him that they had also done injustice to himself. But, it was certain, they had treated him with neglect.' And therefore, following his own principle, as well as the 'mpulse of pride, he resolved to shut up the way.' How far he succeeded, and by what means, will be our next subjects of consideration.

CHAPTER VI.

Pontiac's plan of campaign-He commences active preparations Council of the Ottawas-Grand Council of the Northern tribes-Dream of the Delaware-Maxims promulgated by Pontiac-Estimate of the number and force of his allies-Commencement of the warSurprisal of nine English posts-Mode of surprisalArtifice adopted at Michilimackinac, and result-Reduction of Detroit undertaken by Pontiac in personHis interview with the commandant-His plan discovered, and the surprise prevented-Letter from Detroit.

The plan of operations adopted by Pontiac, for effecting the extinction of the English power, evinces an extraordinary genius, as well as a courage and energy of the highest order. This was a sudden and contemporaneous attack upon all the British posts on the Lakes-at St. Joseph, Ouiatenon, Green Bay, Michilimackinac, Detroit, the Maumee, and the Sandusky-and also upon the forts at Niagara, Presqu'Isle, Le Bœuf, Verango and Pittsburg. Most of the fortifications at these places were slight, being rather commercial depôts, than military establishments. Still, against the Indians they were strong-holds; and the positions had been so judiciously selected by the French, that to this day they command the great avenues of communication to the world of woods and waters in the remote north and west. It was manifest to Pontiac, familiar as he was with the geography of this vast tract of country, and with the practical, if not technical maxims of war, that the possession or the destruction of these posts,-saying nothing of their garrisons, would be emphatically shutting up the way.' If the surprise could be simultaneous, so that every English banner which waved upon a line of thousands of miles should be prostrated at the same moment, the garrisons would be unable

to exchange assistance, while, on the other hand, the failure of one Indian detachment would have no effect to discourage another. Certainly, some might succeed. Probably, the war might begin and be terminated with the same single blow; and then Pontiac would again be the Lord and King of the broad land of his

ancestors.

The measures taken in pursuance of these calculations, were worthy of the magnificent scheme. The chieftain felt confident that success would multiply friends and allies to his cause. But he knew equally well, that friends and allies to his cause were as necessary to obtain success. Some preliminary principles must be set forth, to show what his cause was; and however plausible it might appear in theory, exertions must also be made to give assurance of its feasibility in practice. A belligerent combination of some kind must be formed in the outset; and the more extensive, the better.

Pontiac commenced operations with his own tribe; the Ottawas being, for several reasons, peculiarly under his control, at the same time that their influence over other tribes was hardly inferior to his own influence over themselves. Some of these tribes had fought with them against the English, not many years before; and the connection between them was so apparent in the time of Major Rogers, that he considered them as "formed into a sort of empire." He expressly states, also, that the Emperor, as he supposed Pontiac then to be, was "elected from the eldest tribe-which is the Ottawawas, som of whom inhabit near our fort at Detroit, but are mostly further westward, towards the Mississippi." He might well add, that Pontiac "had the largest empire and greatest authority of any Indian chief that has appeared on the continent since our acquaintance with it."* The truth probably was, that the tribes here described as confederates, were most of them

* Roger's account, p 240.

related to each other by descent, more or less remotely. Some were intimately associated. All would be rather disposed to act together in any great project, as they already had done, (and as most of them have since, during the American Revolution, and during the last war with Great Britain.) Still such was and is the nature of Indian government, that it was necessary for Pontiac to obtain the separate concurrence and confidence of each. To gain over the Ottawas first, was not to strengthen his authority, indeed, but it was adding much to his influence.

The Ottawas, then, were called together, and the plan was disclosed, explained and enforced, with all the eloquence and cunning which Pontiac could bring to his task. He appealed to the fears, the hopes, the ambition, the cupidity of his hearerstheir regard for the common interest of the race, their hatred of the English, and their gratitude and love for the French. We are told by a modern historian, that some of the Ottawas had been disgraced by blows.* Such a suggestion, whether well founded or not, might probably be made, and would of course have its effect. So would the display of a belt, which the chieftain exhibited, and which he professed to have received from the King of France, urging him to drive the British from the country, and to open the paths for the return of the French.

These topics having been skilfully managed, and the Ottawas warmly engaged in the cause, a grand council of the neighbouring tribes was convened at the river Aux Ecorces. Here Pontiac again exerted his talents with distinguished effect. With a profound knowledge of the Indian character, and especially aware of the great power of superstition upon their minds, he related, among other things, a dream, in which the Great Spirit, (the orator said,) had secretly disclosed to a Delaware Indian the conduct he expected his red children to pursue.

*Discourse of Governor Cass.

Mi