and one to another in a kind of Antiphonies. When they had done, all kept silence, our Pastour went in with the Deacon, and found the man farre spent, his eyes set in his head, his speech leaving him, his mother (old Squaw-Sachim) sitting weeping at his bed's head. Well (saith our Pastour) our God save Sagamore John, Pouwaw Cram (that is, kill) Sagamore John; and thereupon hee fell to prayer with his Deacon, and after prayer forced into the sick man's mouth with a spoon, a little Mithridate dissolved in the strong water; soon after the Sagamore looked up, and three dayes after went abroad on hunting. This providence so farre prevailed with the Sagamore, that he promised to look after the English man's God, to heare their sermons, to weare English apparell, &c. But his neighbor Indians, Sagamores, and Powwaws, hearing of this, threatened to Cram him (that is, to kill him) if he did so degenerate from his Countrey Gods, and Religion, he thereupon fell off, and took up his Indian course of life again. Whatsoever facility may seeme to offer itself of the conversion of the Indians, it is not so easie a matter for them to hold out, no not in a semblance of profession of the true Religion. Afterwards God struck John Sagamore againe, (and as I remember with the Small Pox :) but then when they desired like succour from our Pastour as before, he told them now the Lord was angry with Sagamore John, and it was doubtful hee would not so easily be intreated. The Sagamore blamed himself and justified God, and confessed, he should not have been discouraged by their threats from seeking our God: for those Sagamores and Pouwaws who did most terrifie him, hee had seene God sweeping them away by death, before himself, in a short time after. And therefore, when hee saw hee must die (for he died of hat sickness) he left his sonne to the education of our Pastour, that he might keep closer to the English, and to their God, than himself had done. But his sonne also died of the same disease soon after.”*

THE WAY OF CONGREGATIONAL CHURCHES CLEAR ED: London, 1648.

Another Sachem carried off by the pestilence was CHICKATABOT, otherwise called Chickataubut and Chickatalbott; and whose name, under the form of Chickatabak, is appended with those of eight other sachems, to the deed of submission to King James, dated 1622, which has already been mentioned in the life of Massasoit. Some writers call him the Chief Sachem of the Massachusetts. But so Sagamore John, and his mother, if not some others, were vaguely entitled; nor can any thing more be inferred from the expressions, we conceive, than that he was one of the principal chiefs. That conclusion might be drawn also from the fact, that when the English first knew him (in 1621,) he was at war with the Squaw-Sachem of Medford. No doubt he had been subject to her husband, and probably she was now struggling to continue and enforce the dominion.*

The same causes which enabled Chickatabot and other sagamores of his section of the country, to maintain their independence of each other, probably induced them to submit so readily to whatever authority appeared able and willing to protect them. King James, Massachusetts and Plymouth, were the same to him, in this particular, with Massasoit and Canonicus; and he submitted with an equal grace to all or either, as the case might require. No doubt it

Since writing the above, we have availed ourselves of Mr. Shattuck's researches. He believes that Chickatabot was subject to Massasoit. One of his reasons is the improbability of his contending against his superior Sachem; and another, the circumstance that all his recorded conveyances of land are south of Charles River, which Mr. S. considers the southern boundary of the Massachusetts. With deference to an accurate writer, we shall leave the question without an argument-only reminding the reader that Chickatabot fought for Ca nonicus in 1632, that being about the time when the latter made sundry attacks on Massasoit-and also that the case of Sassacus and Uncas, (not to refer to Powhatan's history,) is a precedent exactly in point.

was the influence of the Pokanoket Sachem that induced him to visit Plymouth for the purpose of subscribing the submission-which he probably neither knew nor cared any thing about, except in relation to the promised consequences of the act of signing. With the same accommodating disposition, or rather from the same necessity, he turned out with all his men, in 1632-to fight against the same Massasoit, we suppose the Narragansett Chief, Canonicus, having 'sent for him' to that end.* This movement, together with the absence of all comment upon it in history, illustrates sufficiently the sense which, notwithstanding the submissions alluded to, both himself and his English neighbors still entertain ed of his independence.

The Sachem took no advantage of the freedom thus silently allowed him. Nor does the liberality, and even courtesy, with which he was on all other occasions treated by the Massachusetts Government, appear to have had any other than the happiest ef fect upon him. On the contrary, he judged them as they judged him; and being seldom if ever suspected, was rarely exposed to suspicion by his conduct. He esteemed his own dignity at least enough to appreciate their politeness.

Residing near Neponset river, in Dorchester, he made himself familiar with the settlers of Boston very soon after their arrival, and that in a manner which discredits neither of the parties. As early as March, 1631, (the settlement having commenced in the preceding September,) he went into Boston, attended by quite a company of men and women of his tribe, and carrying with him a hogshead of Indian corn as a present for the Governor. When the latter had provided a dinner for his visitors, with the much esteemed accompaniment of 'tobacco and beer,' the Sachem sent his escort all home, with the exception of one sanop and one squaw, although it rained, and the

* Winthrop.

Governor rather urged that they might be permitted to stay. He, and the other two who remained, tarried until afternoon of the next day but one. As he had before this time accustomed himself to wear English clothes, we are informed that "the Governor set him at his own table, where he behaved himself as soberly as an Englishman." His host gave him at parting, "cheese and pease, and a mug and some other things;" and no doubt he returned to Neponset exceedingly gratified with the well-timed munificence of his new friend.

Accordingly, he made his appearance again within a month, on which occasion he requested Mr. Winthrop to negotiate with some tailor, on his behalf, for a suit of English clothes. The Governor civilly gave him to understand, that English Sagamores were not accustomed to truck in this way-but he called his own tailor, and directed him to make the proposed suit. Chickatabot presented his host with two large skins of coat-beaver, so called, paid the proper honours to a dinner prepared for him and his attendants, and took his leave, promising to return for his clothes in three days. This was the 13th of April. On the 15th he came again, and the Governor then arrayed him in the new suit, which had been promptly made ready for his use, and also entertained him at dinner. If the Sachem had behaved soberly on his first visit, he deserves still higher praise for the improvement which is evident in his manners since that time. He would not eat now-savage as he was at the hospitable board of his Christian host, until the latter had craved the customary blessing which attended his own meals; and, after meat, he desired him to do the like, and so departed.

Nor did Chickatabot receive only compliments and new clothes from his Boston ally. Substantial justice was rendered to him and his subjects, whenever emergency required; and an Englishman was pun

ished, at least as promptly and severely for a trespass upon him or them, as an Indian would have been expected to be punished for the same offence against the whites. To illustrate by an instance,-in the latter part of 1631, Chickatabot appeared in Court at Boston, and complained of one Josias Plastowe, for stealing a quantity of his corn. Evidence of the charge having been produced, sufficient to convict the offender, the Court gave judgment as follows:

"It is ordered, that Josias Plastowe shall, for stealing four baskets of corn from the Indians, return them eight baskets again, be fined five pounds, and hereafter be called by the name of Josias, and not Mr. as formerly as he used to be; and that William Buckland and Thomas Andrew, [servants] shall be whipped for being accessary to the same offence."

Chicatabot knew how to value this honorable policy of the Government, and was grateful for it. But even earlier than the date of the transaction last referred to, he had himself set the example which that Government, so far as regarded him, did but follow. The following single paragraph, taken from the same authority which records the sentence of Plastowe, is among the evidence to this effect:

“At a Court, John Sagamore and Chickatabot, being told at last Court of some injuries that their men did to our cattle, and giving consent to make satisfaction, &c. now one of their men was complained of for shooting a pig, &c. for which Chickatabot was ordered to pay a small skin of beaver, which he presently paid." So in August of the next year, two of the Sachem's men having been proved guilty of assaulting some of the settlers at Dorchester in their houses, were detained in the bilboes, until Chickatabot could be notified of the fact, and requested to beat them, 'which he did.”*

*The most usuall custome amongst them," says Roger Williams, of the Indians, "is for the Sachim either to beate, or whip, or put to death with his owne hand, to