had taken a second husband, WAFPACOWET, the chief priest of her tribe, he being by custom entitled to the hand of his Sachem's widow. The land was paid for in wampum, hatchets, hoes, knives, cotton cloth and chintz; beside which, Wappacowet, who figured only as an evidence in the case, received a gratuity of a suit of cotton cloth, a hat, a white linen band, shoes, stockings, and a great coat.*

Several years after the sale of Concord, the SquawSachem visited Boston, for the purpose of subjecting herself to the Massachusetts Government. That object she effected. Whether the priest was included in the submission, or what was the sequel of his history, or even her's, does, not appear.

The Squaw-Sachem, like her husband, the New Moon, has maintained her principal dignity in our early annals, as the parent of Wonohaquaham and Mon towampate, better known as SAGAMORE JOHN and SAGAMORE JAMES. The former lived, before the English came, at the old residence of his father, in Medford; subsequently, at Winnesimet, anciently called Rumney Marsh, and situated partly in Chelsea, and partly in Saugus. James, who was Sachem of the Saugus Indians, and had jurisdiction of Lynn and Marblehead, resided on Sagamore hill, near the eastern end of Lynn beach.

John was one of the best, as well as earliest friends the settlers of Boston ever had among the natives; and by their descendants his memory should be cherished for that, if for no other reason. On all occasions, he was courteous, kind and frank. Soon after their coming, he engaged with the governor to make

*Depositions on Concord Records.

There has been a controversy about the meaning of this title, and the difference between Sagamore, (or Sagamo) and Sachem. We agree with Mr. Lewis (from whose accurate history of Lynn we have borrowed above,) in considering them different pronunciations of the same word.

compensation for damages done by his subjects, and to fence in his territories, both which he did. During the same year, 1630, he seasonably gave warning to the Charlestown people, of a plot formed against them among some of the neighboring Indians,— -an act on the mention of which an old writer pays him the deserved compliment of having 'always loved the English.'

His attachment was justified by the conduct of his new ally and friends, for though he often brought complaints before the Massachusetts authorities, it was as rarely without effect as it was without cause.

At one time, two of his wigwams were carelessly set on fire by some English fowlers, and destroyed. The chief offender was a servant of Sir Richard Saltonstall, and the Court ordered him to give satisfaction, which he did, being mulcted in seven yards of cloth, valued at fifty shillings sterling. The act of firing one of the buildings, was not very easily proved; but, say the Court, "lest he should think us not sedulous enough to find it out, and so should depart discontentedly from us, we gave both him and his subject satisfaction for them both."

So when he and his brother James, a few weeks afterwards, applied to the Governor for an order, to procure the return of twenty beaver-skins which had been obtained unfairly from them by an Englishman, "the governor entertained them kindly, and gave them his letter, &c."* John must have been perinitted to manage his relations with other sachems also, as he pleased; for when Chickatabot fought for Canonicus in 1632, as we shall soon see, he also joined him at the head of thirty men, and the fact is recorded not only without censure, but without com

ment.

James was a more troublesome personage, and was more than once in difficulty with both Indians and English. A party of that formidable eastern

New-England Chronology, 1631.

people, the Tarratines, attacked him in 1631, slew seven of his men, wounded both him and his broth er John, and carried off his wife captive. Hubbard bserves, that he had treacherously killed some of the Tarratines before this," and was therefore the less pitied of the English that were informed thereof:" but the latter nevertheless procured the redemption of his wife. The following extract from Mr. Winthrop's Journal, throws some light, both on the au thority which he exercised upon his own subjects, and the liberties he took with the English. The Government, it must be observed, had made a prudent regulation, forbidding the sale of arms to the na tives:

"September 4th, 1632.

"One Hopkins of Watertown was convict for selling a piece and pistol, with powder and shot, to James Sagamore, for which he had sentence to be whipped and branded in the cheek.”—It was discovered by an Indian, one of James's men, upon promise of concealing him, or otherwise he was sure to be killed, It was probably for some offence of this description that James was once forbidden to enter any English plantation under penalty of ten beaver-skins; a much better dispensation of justice, clearly, than to have sent an armed force, as the good people of Plymouth had been in the habit of doing on such occasions, to punish him in person.

The following is an item in the account of Treasurer Pyncheon, stated to the General Court for 1632, under the head of Payments out of the Common Treasury.

"Paid John Sagamore's brother, the 9th Oct. 1632, for killing a wolf, one coat at £0. 12s. 0."

This account of James indicates that he was much less known among the English than his brother; and

* Winthrop.

as it appears in company of several charges like these,

"To Jack Straw, one coat, by a note
from the Governor,

To Wamascus' Son, two wolves,

128.

£1: 48.

It may be fairly inferred that the Sagamore hesitated not to put his dignity, so far as he was known, on a level, in the eyes of the English, with the lowest of his countrymen.

The

John and James died about the same time, in 1633, of a mortal epidemic then prevalent among the Massachusetts Indians. Hubbard says, that both promised, if they recovered from their sickness, to live with the English and serve their God. reason why John, at least, had not already taken such a course, may be gathered from some expressions in that curious tract, NEW ENGLAND'S FIRST FRUITS, which we cite the more willingly because it places the character of John in its true light.

"Sagamore John," says the learned author, "Prince of Massaquesetts, was from our very first landing, more courteous, ingenious, and to the English more loving than others of them; he desired to learne and speake our language, and loved to imitate us in our behaviour and apparell, and began to hearken after our God and his ways. * And did resolve and

*

promise to leave the Indians and come live with us; but yet, kept down by feare of the scoffin of the Indians, had not power to make good his purpose, &c."

The same writer thus refers to the poor Sagamore's last moments. Being struck with death, we are told, he began fearfully to reproach himself that he had not lived with the English, and known their God. "But now," he added, "I must die. The God of the English is much angry with me, and will destroy me. Ah! I was afraid of the scoffs of these wicked Indians. But my child shall live with the English, to

know their God, when I am dead. I'll give him to Mr. Wilson-he much good man, and much love me." Mr. Wilson, (clergyman at Boston,) was accordingly sent for, and when he attended, as he did promptly, the Sagamore "committed his only child to his care, and so died."-In confirmation of this honorable testimony, the author of the WONDER WORKING PROVIDENCE may be cited. He observes, that the English clergymen were much moved to see the Indians depart this life without the knowledge of God in Christ, "and therefore were very frequent among them, for all the Noysomness of their Disease, entering their Wigwams, and exhorting them in the name of the Lord." John is said to have given some good hopes, as being always very courteous to them. Then follows the request to Mr. Wilson: "Quoth hee, 'by and by mee Mattamoy, [dead]-may bee my sons live-you take them to teach much to know God.'"*

Mr. Cotton, himself a preacher also at Boston, at the same period, and probably an eye-witness, furnishes a more particular and interesting account of this scene, with which we shall conclude our notice

"At our first coming hither John Sagamore was the chiefest Sachim in these parts. He falling sick, our Pastor Mr. Wilson hearing of it (and being of some acquaintance with him) went to visit him, taking one of the deacons of our Church with him, and withall, a little Mithridate and strong water. When he came to his lodging, (which they call a Wigwam) hearing a noyse within, hee looked over the mat of the door, to discerne what it meant, and saw many Indians gathered together, and some Powwaws amongst them, who are their Priests, Physitians, and Witches. They by course spake earnestly to the sick Sagamore, and to his disease, (in a way of charming of it and him,

* Johnson speaks as if there were several sons, and therein is clearly incorrect. Mr. Cotton is much better authority in this case.