so distinguished a man as Pontiac were known only by one appellation, and especially when he associated with a large number of tribes, speaking as many dif ferent languages.

Henry describes his hero as a person of remarkable appearance, of commanding stature, and with a singularly fine countenance. He entered the room where the traveller was anxiously awaiting the result of his visit, followed by sixty warriors, dressed and decorated in the most formal and imposing fashion of war. Not a word was spoken as they came in, one by one, seated themselves on the floor at a signal from the Chief, and began composedly smoking their pipes. Minavavana, meanwhile, looking steadfastly at Henry, made various enquiries of his head-boatinan, a Canadian. He then coolly observed, that "the English were brave men, and not afraid of death, since they dared to come thus fearlessly among their enemies." A solemn pause now ensued for some time, until the Indians having finished their pipes, the Chieftain took a few wampum-strings in his hand, and commenced the following harangue:

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Englishman!-It is to you that I speak, and I demand your attention!

"Englishman!-You know that the French King is our father. He promised to be such; and we, in return, promised to be his children. This promise we have kept.

"Englishman!—It is you that have made war with this our father. You are his enemy; and how then could you have the boldness to venture among us, his children? You know that his enemies are ours.

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Englishman!-We are informed that our father the king of France, is old and infirm; and that being fatigued with making war upon your nation, he is fallen asleep. During his sleep, you have taken advantage of him, and possessed yourselves of Canada. But his nap is almost at an end. I think I hear him already stirring, and inquiring for his children the In

fians; and, when he does awake, what must be come of you? He will destroy you utterly!

Englishman!--Although you have conquered the French, you have not yet conquered us! We are not your slaves. These lakes, these woods and mountains, were left to us by our ancestors. They are our inheritance, and we will part with them to none. Your nation supposes that we, like the white people, cannot live without bread, and pork, and beef! But, you ought to know, that He, the Great Spirit and Master of Life,-has provided food for us, in these broad lakes, and upon these mountains.

"Englishman!-Our father, the king of France, employed our young men to make war upon your nation. In this warfare, many of them have been killed; and it is our custom to retaliate, until such time as the spirits of the slain are satisfied. Now the spirits of the slain are to be satisfied in either of two ways. The first is by the spilling of the blood of the nation by which they fell; the other, by covering the bodies of the dead, and thus allaying the resentment of their relations. This is done by making presents.

"Englishman!-Your king has never sent us any presents, nor entered into any treaty with us. Wherefore he and we are still at war; and, until he does these things, we must consider that we have no other father, nor friend, among the white men, than the king of France. But, for you, we have taken into consideration, that you have ventured your life among us, in the expectation that we should not molest you. You do not come armed, with an intention to make You come in peace, to trade with us, and sup ply us with necessaries, of which we are much in want. We shall regard you, therefore, as a brother; and you may sleep tranquilly, without fear of the Chippewas. As a token of our friendship, we pre sent you with this pipe, to smoke."

war.

The interview terminated in a manner which re minds us of Pontiac's meeting with Rogers. Minavavana gave the Englishman his hand-his compan

ions followed his example-the pipe went round in due order-and, after being politely entertained, all quietly departed. If this was not the Ottowa himself, he was certainly a kindred spirit; and if the former exercised authority over many such characters, as he probably did, it is not difficult to account for the confidence which dictated the design, or for the measure of success which attended the prosecution of one of the mightiest projects ever conceived in the brain of an American savage.

This project was a combination of all the tribes ou and about the Northern waters, perhaps partially with an ultimate view to the restoration of the French Government, but directly and distinctly to the complete extirpation of the English.

It has been observed by a writer who has done signal justice to the genius of Pontiac, "that we are nowhere told the causes of disaffection which separated him from the British interest.” * There is an allusion here to the information furnished by Rogers, who in deed states that Pontiac "often intimated to him that he should be content to reign in his country, in subordination to the king of Great Britain, and was willing to pay him such annual acknowledgement as he was able, in furs, and to call him his Uncle." But, without in the least disparaging the honesty of Rogers, we are inclined to dispute the propriety of what we suppose to have been rather his own inference than the Chieftain's declaration. A disregard to niceties of expression, on the part of both speaker and hearer, was no uncommon thing at interviews of this kind,- -one party being always eager, and both frequently ignorant enough, had they even tolerable means of communi cating together in language at all.

The context confirms this opinion. It appears singular, at first glance, that Pontiac should propose calling the British king his Uncle. An appellation.

* Discourse of Governor Cass.

+ Rogers' Account, p. 242: London Edition.

indeed, as the Iroquois orators told the English at Albany,― signified nothing,' in itself; and yet, as referring to the term Father, applied by Minavavana and the Northern Indians generally, to his Christian Majesty, it did signify, at least, that Pontiac meant to pay a slighter deference to the British king than to the French. No allegiance was acknowledged to either. As Minavavana said, "the Indians had no Father among the white men"-passing that courtesy for what is was worth-" but the king of France." That, however, did not prevent them from owning and claiming their own woods and mountains. It did not entitle the French king to command the services, instead of 'employing' the assistance of their young men. It did not blind them to the fact, that although the English had conquered the French, they had not conquered them.* It makes the matter still more clear, in regard to what was the understanding of Pontiac, and what ought to have been that of Rogers, that, according to his own statement, the Chieftain "assured him [on the same occasion when the language last referred to is said to have been uttered,] that he was inclined to live peaceably with the English, while they used him as he deserved, and to encourage their settling in his country, but intimated that if they treated him with neglect, he should shut up the way, and exclude them from it." In short, concludes the same writer, "his whole conversation sufficiently indicated that he was far from considering himself a conquered Prince, and that he expected to be treated with the respect and honor due to a King or Emperor, by all who came into his country or treated with him."†

On the whole, we have seen no evidence, and we know of no reason for presuming, that he was ever any farther attached to the British interest,' or rather any otherwise affected towards the idea of becoming attached, than is indicated by the very independent declaration made as above stated. In regard to the

* Speech of Minavavana. Rogers' Account, p. 242.

question why he never did become attached to the British interest,-taking that for the correct representation of the fact,-history is silent, as unfortunately it is in regard to most of the remarkable occurrences on the frontiers which accompanied and followed his enterprise. The conjectures of any one man, who has intelligently investigated and reflected upon such history as there is, may be worth as much as those of any other. It seems to be probable, however, that although hostilities might have been prevented by a system of good management on the part of the English, (in which their predecessors could have given them a lesson,) they did not arise from any particular acts of aggression.

Pontiac reasoned as well as felt. He reasoned as Philip had done before him, and as Tecumseh will be found to have done since. He had begun to apprehend danger from this new government and people; danger to his own dominion and to the Indian interest at large; danger from their superiority in arms, their ambition, their eagerness in possessing theinselves of every inilitary position on the Northern waters; and we may add also, their want of that ostensible cordiality towards the Indians, personally, to which the latter had been so much accustomed and attached in the golden days of the French, and which they were apt to regard as a necessary indication of good faith as of good will. In the language of the Chippewa orator, the French had lived in the same lodge with them. They had sent them missionaries; and invited them to councils, and made them presents, and talked and traded with them, and manifested an interest in their affairs,*-always suspected by the Indians less, and yet always effecting their own purposes better and farther, than any other people.

The English, on the other hand, if they committed no aggressions, the expedition of Rogers was perhaps considered one; but that Pontiac forgave,)-yet

* Discourse of Schoolcraft.