he resolved," &c. ("da poi la morte del quale trovandosi richissimo et di grande animo deliberosi," &c.). But, without laying any stress on such a statement, there is sufficient without it to supply an important auxiliary argument to that derived from the chroniclers.*

One circumstance is to be particularly noted. The second patent does not look to further discoveries, but merely authorises the patentee to revisit the Region already found, and to take thither such of the king's subjects as might be inclined to accompany him or his deputies.

According to Stow, the "Genoa's son" effected his object with the king, by a representation as to an Island "which he knew to be replenished with rich commodities," or as it is expressed in Hakluyt, "which he said he knew well was rich and replenished with great commodities." Thus the language of the patent and of the chronicles is in consonance as to the purpose of the voyage of 1498. It no longer had reference, exclusively, to the search for a North-West Passage. The place of destination was some known definite point, which was supposed to offer an advantageous opening for traffic.

The argument to be fairly drawn from this coincidence is placed in a very striking point of view, by referring to writers who approached the statement of the chronicles under the misconception that the reference was to the original expedition of 1497. Campbell, in The Lives of the Admirals

It is obvious that the Will of John Cabot might throw much light on this subject. If, as is probable, he died at Bristol, it would be proved at Worcester. On application at the Bishop's Registry, the acting Registrar, Mr Clifton, writes thus: "The indices of Wills proved, and letters of administration granted do not extend farther back than the year 1600. Previous to this period, these documents are tied up in linen bags without much form or order; so that a search for the Will of John Cabot, or Gabot, or Kabot would be attended with very considerable trouble and expense, whilst the chance of discovering it would be uncertain." Aside from Historical purposes, it would be curious to see an instrument, dated some months before the time when Columbus (in August, 1498) first saw the Continent of America, which, probably, makes a disposition of the testator's interest in the tract of land lying between the present Hudson's Strait and Florida.

(article, Sir John Cabot), adopts Hakluyt's substitution of John Cabot's name, and thus speaks of the patent of 3rd February, 1498.

"In consequence of this license, the King at his own expense caused a ship to be equipped at Bristol : to this the merchants of that city, and of London, added three or four small vessels, freighted with proper commodities, which fleet sailed in the spring of the year 1497. Our old Chronicle writers, particularly Fabian, tell us of a very rich island which John Cabot promised to discover; but in this they seem to mistake the matter for want of thoroughly understanding the subject of which they were writing. John Cabot was too a wise man to pretend to know, before he saw it, what country he should discover, whether island or continent; but what he proposed was to find a North-West passage to the Indies."

How does this patent of 3rd February 1498 scatter light around in every direction! After slumbering at the Rolls for upwards of three centuries, it reappears to vindicate, triumphantly, the fair fame of its venerable contemporaries thus flippantly assailed!

The same difficulty in reconciling the language of the ancient chronicles with the supposed allusion to the voyage of 1497, has led Harris* (ed. of 1744-8, vol. ii. p. 190) and Pinkerton (vol. xii. p. 158) to the positive assertion that John Cabot made a voyage as early as 1494, and that "upon this report of his," the first patent was granted. Mr Barrow also (p. 32) is, from the same cause, driven to the assertion that it is impossible to understand the various accounts "but by supposing John Cabot to have made one voyage at least previous to the date of the patent." It has been before shown, that such a supposition is not only inconsistent with every authentic statement, but at variance with the terms of the first patent itself. We now see that it is as unnecessary as it is unwarranted.

66

The plain distinction between the two voyages clears up

*It is but just to remark, that though the volume here referred to bears the name of Harris, and is so copied and cited by Pinkerton, yet the passages in question make no part of the original work. Daines Barrington, Esq. in his Possibility of approaching the North Pole," &c. (ed. of 1818, p. 15), states, that the supplemental matter was furnished by Dr Campbell. No method is used to distinguish the original from what is interpolated; and Pinkerton was, probably, thus misled.

an incidental difficulty. Many writers have been perplexed by finding that while some accounts speak of the enterprise as wholly at the expense of the Cabots, others represent the King to have had an interest in it. The reason is now obvious. The first vague exploratory voyage was at the expense of the individuals, to verify the speculations of Sebastian Cabot. The patent of 5th March, 1496, says expressly, that the enterprise is to be "at their own proper cost and charge." But when a specific discovery had been made, and the attention of the capitalists of London was drawn to the subject, the wary king himself yielded to the sanguine representations of the discoverers, and became a partner in the concern. This fact is very clearly established by the following entries in the Account of his Privy-Purse Expenses :

"22d March, 1498. To Lanslot Thirkill, of London, upon a prest," for his shippe going towards the New Ilande, 201"

"Delivered to Launcelot Thirkill, going towards the New Isle, in prest, 201." "April 1, 1498. To Thomas Bradley, and Lancelot Thirkill, going to the New Isle, 301."

"To John Carter, going to the Newe Isle, in rewarde, 21."

At this point the subject attracted the attention of a Chronicler living in London. It is not unnatural that he should suppose the region discovered to be an island, and that the same expression should be used by the Keeper of the Privy Purse, and others, whose minds had not then embraced the idea of a new Continent. The Chronicler speaks of documents submitted to the inspection of the king, and of the nature of which he evidently knew only by vague report. The King himself, however, who had listened to the statements of "the Genoas son," and saw his map, who heard of the mighty rivers which were found issuing into the sea, knew from these "charts and other reasonable demonstrations," that here must be something more than an island, and we find, accordingly, in the patent of 3rd February, 1498, reference made to "the Londe and Isles," discovered.

In the way of loan or advance.

To doubt, then, that a voyage took place in 1498, under Sebastian Cabot, violates every probability, is against strong collateral testimony, and rejects contemptuously the direct and positive averment of the ancient Chroniclers, at the very moment when we warm with indignation at the attempt of a shallow and presumptuous ignorance to depreciate them.

What was the result of the voyage? This is a question of more difficulty.

Peter Martyr and Gomara mention, as has been seen, that Sebastian Cabot had with him three hundred men. It is diffi cult to believe that such a number could have been taken in reference to a mere commercial enterprise, and absurd to connect them with the first exploratory voyage. The language, too, of the second patent seems to suggest that a settlement was intended, the royal permission to depart extending to "all such masters, mariners, pages and other subjects, as of their own free will, will go and pass with him in the same ships, to the said Londe or Isles."

On a point so interesting as this, we may repeat here the language of Gomara. After mentioning that Sebastian Cabot was the first who brought intelligence of the Baccalaos, he proceeds :

"El qual armo dos navios en Inglaterra do tratava desde pequeno a costa del Rey Enrique Septimo, quo desseava contratar en la especieria, como hazia el rey d' Portugal. Otros disen que a su costa. Y que prometio al rey Enrique de yr por el norte al Catayo y traer de alla especias en menos tiempo que Portuguese, por el sur. Y va tambien par saber que tierra eran las Indias para poblar. Llevo trezientos hombres y cammo la buelta de Isladia sobre cabo del Labrador. Y hasta se poner en cinquenta y ocho grados. Aunque el dize mucho mas contando como avia por el mes de Julio tato frio y pedaços de yelo que no oso passar mas adelante. Y que los dios eran grandissimos y quasi sin noche y las noches muy claras. Es cierte que a sesenta grados son los dies de diez y ocho horas. Diedo pues Gaboto la frialdad, y estraneza dela tierra, dio la vuelta hazia poniente y reha ziendo se en los Baccalaos corrio la costa hasta treienta y ochos grados y torno se de alli a Inglaterra." "Sebastian Cabot was the fyrst that browght any knowleage of this lande. For beinge in Englande in the dayes of Kyng Henry the Seventh, he furnysshed twoo shippes at his owne charges, or (as sum say) at the Kynges, whome he persuaded that a passage might be founde to Cathay by the North Seas, and that spices might be brought from thense soner by that way, then by the vyage the Portugales vse by the sea of Sur. He went also to knowe what maner

of landes those Indies were to inhabite. He had with hym three hundreth men, and directed his course by the tracte of Islande vppon the cape of Labrador at lviii. degrees: affirmynge that in the monethe of July there was such could and heapes of ise that he durst passe no further: also that the dayes were very longe and in maner without nyght, and the nyghtes very clear. Certayne it is, that the lx. degrees, the longest day is of xviii. houres. But consyderynge the coulde and the straungeness of the unknowen lande, he turned his course from thense to the West, folowynge the coast of the lande of Baccalos vnto the xxxviii. degrees, from whense he returned to Englande." (Eden's Decades, fol. 318.)

From these expressions it is plain that it was understood to have been part of the design to make the experiment of colonization.

Connected with this part of the subject is a curious passage in an old work by Thevet, the French Cosmographer. This writer is, deservedly, held in little estimation, his work being disfigured by the plainest marks of haste, as well as by the most absurd credulity. The only circumstance which could induce us to attach importance to his statement is, the allusion to conversations with Cartier, who, in 1534, visited the St Lawrence. Thevet not only refers to that navigator incidentally here, but in his subsequent larger work, entitled Cosmographie Universelle, speaks of Cartier repeatedly, as his intimate friend, and mentions (Paris Ed. of 1575, tom. ii. fol. 1014) having spent five months with him at St Malo. The work now particularly alluded to is entitled "Singularitez de la France Antarctique," published at Paris, in 1558, in which, speaking of the Baccalaos, there occurs (ch. 74, fol. 148) the following passage:

"Elle fut decouverte premierement par Sebastian Babate Anglois lequel persuada au Roy d'Angleterre Henry Septiésme qu'il iroit aisement par la au pais de Catay vers le Nort et que par ce moyen trouveroit espiceries et autres choses aussi bien que le Roy de Portugal aux Indes, joint qu'il se proposoit aller au Peru et Amerique pour peupler le pais de nouveaus habitans et dresser la' une Nouvelle Angleterre, ce qu'il n' executa; vray est qu'il mist bien trois cens hommes en terre, du costé d'Irlande au Nort on le froid fist mourir presque toute sa compagnie encore que ce fust au moys de Juillet. Depuis Jaques Quartier (ainsi que luy mesme m' a recité) fist deux fois le voyage en ce pays la, c'est a scavoir l' an mil cinq cens trente cinq."

"It was first discovered by Sebastian Babate, an Englishman, who persuaded Henry VII. King of England, that he could go easily this way by the North to