selves, might, after all, or might not, at their pleasure, make any alterations in the former instructions to governors, or propose in parliament any amendment of the acts complained of, we apprehended any expectation from the effect of such a power would have been too uncertain and precarious to be relied on by America, had she still continued in her state of dependance.

Ordered that the above be published.

Attest.

JOHN HANCOCK, President.

CHARLES THOMPSON, Secretary.

Congress, in their manifesto, had recommended to those colonies whose government was not already sufficient, to proceed to the institution of such a form as was necessary to the preservation of internal peace, and suited to the then exigency of their affairs, for the defence of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the hostile invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies. In conformity to this recommendation, a convention was assembled at Philadelphia, in July, 1776, for the purpose of settling a new form of government for the then State of Pennsylvania. Dr. Franklin was chosen president of this convention. The constitution formed and established at that period for Pennsylvania was the result of the deliberations of that assembly, and may be considered as a digest of Dr. Franklin's principles of government. The single legislature and the plural executive appear to have been his favorite tenets.

The virtuous and unfortunate Duke de la Rochefoucault, in his eulogium of Dr. Franklin in 1790, thus remarks on this system of government.

"Franklin alone, disengaging the political machine from those multiplied movements and admired counterpoises that rendered it so complicated, proposed the reducing it to the simplicity of a single legislative body. This grand idea startled the legislators of Pennsylvania; but the philosopher removed the fears of a considerable number, and at length determined the whole to adopt a principle which the national assembly has made the basis of the French constitution."

The same distinguished person adds in a note on this passage, of his printed oration,

"The usual progress of the human mind leads man from the complex to the simple. Observe the works of the first mechanics overloaded with numerous pieces, some of which embarrass, and others diminish their effect. It has been the same with legislators, both speculative and practical: struck with an abuse, they have endeavored to correct it by institutions that have been productive of still greater abuses. In political economy the unity of the legislative body is the maximum of simplicity. Franklin was the first who dared to put this idea in practice: the respect the Pennsylvanians entertained for him induced them to adopt it; but the other states were terrified at it, and even the constitution of Pennsylvania has since

been altered. In Europe this opinion has been more successful. When I had the honor to present to Franklin the translations of the constitutions of America, the minds of the people on this side the Atlantic were scarcely better disposed toward it than those on the other side; and if we except Dr. Price in England, and Turgot and Condorcet in France, no man who applied himself to politics agreed in opinion with the American philosopher. I will venture to assert that I was of the small number of those who were struck with the beauty of the simple plan he traced, and that I saw no reason to change my opinion when the National Assembly, led by the voice of those deep-thinking and eloquent orators who discussed that important question, established it as a principle of the French constitution, that legislation should be confided to a single body of representatives. It will not perhaps be deemed unpardonable to have once mentioned myself, at a time when the honor I have of holding a public character makes it my duty to give an account of my sentiments to my fellow-citizens. France will not relapse into a more complex system, but will assuredly acquire the glory of maintaining that which she has established, and give it a degree of perfection which, by rendering a great nation happy, will attract the eyes and the applauses of all Europe, and of the whole world."--Vain prediction!

During Dr. Franklin's presidency of the convention he drew up the following protest against the equality of voting in congress; but (as he acknowledged at the time) he was dissuaded from endeavoring to carry it through, from prudential considerations respecting the necessary union at that critical period, of all the states in confederation.

PROTEST.

"We, the representatives of the state of Pennsylvania in full convention met, having duly considered the plan of confederation formed in congress, and submitted to the several states, for their assent or dissent, do hereby declare the dissent of this state to the same, for the following reasons, viz.

"1st. Because the foundation of every every confederation intended to be lasting, ought to be laid in justice and equity, no unfair advantage being given to, or taken by, any of the contracting parties.

"2nd. Because it is, in the nature of things, just and equal, that the respective states of the confederacy should be represented in congress, and have votes there in proportion to their importance, arising from their numbers of people, and the share and degree of strength they afford to the united body. And therefore the XVIIth article,' which

'This since forms part of the 5th article of the confederation as agreed to by all the states, except Maryland, on the 9th of July, 1778; and finally ratified by the whole union, on the 1st March, 1781, (the state of Maryland acceding thereto.)

gives one vote to the smallest state and no more to the largest, when the difference between them may be as ten to one, or greater, is unjust, and injurious to the larger states, since all of them are by other articles obliged to contribute in proportion to their respective abilities.

"3rd. Because the practice hitherto in congress, of allowing only one vote to each colony, was originally taken up under a conviction of its impropriety and injustice, was intended to be in some future time corrected, and was then and since submitted to only as a temporary expedient, to be used in ordinary business, until the means of rectifying the same could be obtained: this clearly appears by the resolve of congress, dated Sept. 6, 1774, being the day of its meeting, which resolve is in these words, 'That in determining questions in this congress, each colony or province shall have one vote, the congress not being possessed of, or at present able to procure proper materials for ascertaining the importance of each colony.' That importance has since been supposed to be best found in the numbers of the people; for the congress not only by their resolution when the issuing of bills was agreed to, but by this present confederation, have judged that the contribution towards sinking those bills and to the common expense should be in proportion to such numbers when they could be taken, which has not yet been done; and though the larger colonies submitted