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Under such a master he soon attained a considerable degree of knowledge in the art of war, and on all occasions exhibited that indifference for existence which was the characteristic of his hero.

He is also said to have distinguished himself early in life by his genius and capacity for public affairs. This, at length, introduced him to the notice of the celebrated baron de Gortz, who directed all the political concerns of the Swedish cabinet. By that minister he was employed in several difficult negociations, and acquitted himself to his entire satisfaction. He is reported to have been dispatched secretly into Spain, in order to concert with the ministers of that country relative to the best mode of restoring the abdicated branch of the house of Stuart to the throne of their ancestors. Alberoni, perceiving the promise of great talents in the young man, conceived an attachment to him *, and presented him to his Catholic Majesty, who received him most graciously, in Mort, he left Madrid with many marks of favour from the court.

Soon after his return to Sweden, he accompanied the baron de Gortz to the Hague, whither he repaired with a view of being nearer the scene of action. During his residence there, Newhoff was sent several times to England, with dispatches and private messages from Gortz to count Gillenbourg, at that time ambassador from the king of Sweden to the court of St. James's. He is even said to have had several conferences with the leaders of the jacobite party. The plot, as is well known, was at length discovered and frustrated. The count de Gillenbourg, notwithstanding his diplomatic character, was arrested under pretext of his having conspired against the prince to whom he was sent on miflion. Newhoff, however, had the good fortune to escape to Holland; but even that country afforded no prospect of safety, as the States General, in consequence of proceedings that have been since considered as trenching on the law of nations, caused the baron de Gortz to be seized at Deventer.

His confident, who had every reason to apprehend a similar lot, in this dilemma took refuge in the hotel of the Spanish ambassador, who now complained loudly against the conduct of the States in respect to a minister whose machinations had not extended to them, and even threatened the Dutch with the vengeance of his court: the czar Peter the Great, however, at length interposed his mediation, and the breach was closed, but not until the imprisoned minister had been set at liberty.

Memoires pour servir, &c. P. 93.


The moment the baron de Gortz was released, he returned to Sweden, accompanied by the baron de Newhoff. 'Charles XII. was soon after killed at Frederickshall; on which his favourite was immediately seized, and impeached as the cause of all the miseries of his country. His trial was not long, for both the senate and people were incensed against him, and his head, in conformity to the sentence, was cut off at the foot of the gallows of Stockholm.

Newhoff, who thought his own life in danger, instantly filed from Sweden, repaired to Madrid, and obtained the rank of colonel in the Spanish service. Soon after this he married an Irish lady of rank, who, in consequence of the misfortunes of her family, had taken refuge in a foreign country. This personage was called lady Sarsfield; she was daughter of lord Kilmalock, and lady of honour to the queen.

The Baron conceived great expectations from this alliance, but they were never realized; and we learn that he was, at length, constrained by misfortunes to abandon his lady, while pregnant with a son, born in 1725, who is supposed to have been the unfortunate gentleman afterwards known in this country by the name of Colonel Frederick *.

He now repaired to France, and became connected with John Law, the famous Scotch adventurer, with whom he embarked in the memorable Miffissippi scheme, which was afterwards productive of so much misery. Thence, on the catastrophe that ensued, he set out for Florence, got introduced to the Emperor, most probably by means of prince Maximilian of Wirtemberg, with whom he had served under Charles XII, and was retained

An account of colonel Frederick, by one who knew him long and intimately, will be found in another part of this volume.

in his service. It was during this period that his connexion with his future subjects commenced.

Corsica, like the neighbouring islands, had successively submitted to the Carthaginians and Romans. In the seventh century it passed under the dominion of the Saracens; and Lanza Anciza, of the family of the caliph Valid Almanzor, established himself there with the title of king, a distinction borne by five of his successors; the last of whom, Nugolo, was contemporary with Charlemagne.

Audemar, who then governed Genoa, in the name of the emperor seized upon Corsica for himself; and the inhabitants, changing their religion with their master, ceased to be Muffulmen in order to become Christians.

No sooner had the Genoese thrown off the Imperial yoke, than they attempted to impose their own on these islanders; and, as they were imbued with the superstition common to new converts, the authority of the Catholic church was called in to rivet their bondage. But the Pope, who affected to consider this kingdom as a fief appertaining to the church, in virtue of a

pretended donation from king Pepin, refused his affent, and granted the investiture of it to the republic of Pisa, on condition of receiving a nominal acknowledgment of fifty livres a year! This occasioned a war between the Genoese and Pisans, in 1125, which ended in a truce. Hostilities, however, recommencing in 1280, and the Pifans having lost part of their fleet, Corfica was ceded to the victors.

But the dominion of that nation was ever odious to the natives, and they called into their affistance, by turns, the kings of Naples, of Arragon, and the Pope. Nicolas V. being born in Genoa, at length granted the investiture of Corsica to his countrymen; and they, by way of consolidating their power, *purchased the claims of the kings of Naples and of Arragon with a sum of money. This was borrowed from the bank of St. George, and the island was pledged as a security for repayment: from that period the doge has always been crowned king of Corsica.


The Genoese, as usual, abused their power, on which a native, of the name of Sampiero, put himself at the head of a body of insurgents, and set them for some time at defiance; but he was basely murdered by an assassin, who being put to death by the people, was honoured as a martyr by the senate of Genoa,

In the mean time the oppressions they endured exceeded ali bounds. They were loaded with imposts of every kind: they paid a tenth of all their produce to their cruel masters, besides a capitation, and a hearth tax. That they might be more dependent on Genoa, they were prohibited from erecting manufactures; and they could sell their commodities to her merchants alone. In addition to this, her rapacious governors had seized on the estates of the noble families of Ciaccaldi and Raffelli; while Pinelli, the commissary-general, a hungry noble, withing to enrich himself speedily, levied exorbitant sums by means of fiscal arts and military contributions.

The Corsicans on this once more erected the standard of revolt, and endeavoured to burst their chains. Animated by their sufferings and their revenge, they now got the better both of their foreign taskmasters, and the domestic traitors who efpoused their cause, and seem to have driven them out of the island.

The senate of Genoa finding itself inadequate to quell so formidable an insurrection, invoked the afliftance of the Emperor. On this bis Imperial majesty, in consequence of a subsidy, dispatched 60c0 troops under the direction of baron de WachtenJonck; and soon after added 4000 more, commanded by prince Louis de Wirtemberg : but these proved unable to extinguish the love of liberty. On this an armistice ensued, under the mediation of that monarch, and a negociation was foon after entered into, in May 1732; Corte being appointed for the meeting of the deputies on both sides. The Coifican commisfoners are said to have displayed great powers of mind during the conference, and to have defended the cause of their country



with a manly boldness*. After insisting on their right to re'fist oppreffion, they at length were prevailed upon to consent to


The arguments made use of upon this occasion, would have done honour to the greatest writers on the law of nature and nations :

Le discours des Corses fut aussi simple que l'esprit qui le diēta. Ils parlérent comme des hommes qui avoient pris leçon de la nature, et non des livres. Sa voix sacrée leur paroissoit préfixable à toute autre. Persuadés que tout ce qu'elle fait est bien fait, et que ce n'est qu'en la contredisant que nous sommes ouvert la source de tant de maux ; ils s'efforcérent à en reclamer le droit primitif fi defiguré par des institutions particuliéres.

« Ils dirent, que la liberté étant und on, que la nature a accordé en partage à tous les hommes, les Corses, à bon titre se regardoient comme un peuple libre et par conséquent qu'ils ne relevoient de personne. Que ce même droit étoit inaliénable, et nullement sujet à prescription ; qu’ainsi ils ne pouvoient pas l'avoir perdu pour avoir été vendus mal. gré cux aux Génois, ou pour avoir été tenuis par force dans l'esclavage depuis quelques fiécles. Par là ils rejettérent le droit d'achat, que les Génois faisoient resulter de leurs transactions avec les rois de Naples et d'Arragon, disant, que l'achat des hommes était repugnant a la loi naturelle, loi immuable et éternelle, qui ne peut être alterée par aucune convention humaine, puisque Dieu méne ne peut changer une loi qu'il a gravée de sa propre main en caractércs inetfaçables dans le cæur de l'homme.

Quant au droit que les Génois etablissoient sur le concordat, ils dirent, qu'il n'avoit pas été approuvé par le corps de royaume, et que quand même il l'eut été, ce concordat nietant qu'une liaison conditionelle et reciproque entre les Génois et les Corses, il n'etait d'aucune force, par son infraction totale de le part des Génois.

"Ils conclarent que la republique de Génes s'etant emparée de la Corse sans aucune titre; aïant prolané la sainteté du contrat qui seul en quelque façon auroit pû lui donner quelque droit sur elle, l'aiant gouvernée d'une maniére injuste, et abusé de l'autorité, dont tout au plus elle n'etoit que la depositaire; la republique avoit perdu toutes ses prétentions à la souverainete de cette isle ; que par conséquent les Corses étoient rentrés dans leur état primitif, et pouvoient se gouverner à leur gré.

• Mais nonobstant tant de raisons qui font pour nous,' continuérent-ils, ' nonobstant tant de maux que nous avons souffert, trop connus pour en faire içi le detail, nons sommes préts à devenir les sujets de la Republique, puisque les circonstances l'exigent, et quc s. m. Impériale le veut; mais ce sera à condition qu'elle change de conduite à notre égard, agisse en souveraine envers nous, et non pas en tiran ; qu'elle veüille observer les conventions renfermées dans le concordat, &c. qu'elle veüille reconnoitre l'erreur et l'atrocité de ces maximes qu'elle a fi long tems adoptées; savoir, que plus les peuples font dans la misére, plus ils font dans la soumission ; et qu'il faut imprimer de la terreur aux sujets pour les rendre obeisans.

"Qu'elle etablisse de bonnes loix, et fasse ensorti que ces loix soient bien executées ; qu'elle garde un juste temperament dans la determination, et dans la mesure des peines, &c. qu'elle éxige les impôts dune maniére convenable, car elle dont on se sert pour les lever,


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