his parliamentary conduct, was indeed a masterly piece of declamation, but it made so little impression upon the hearers, that after a short struggle he deemed it prudent to retire from the contest. A seat, however, was already provided for him by his great patron, and Malton, which he had originally quitted for Bristol, now returned him without any difficulty. It merits observation in this place, that notwithstanding the rejection of Mr. BURKE by the electors, the corporate body of Bristol, for the most part, adhered inflexibly to him, and of this attachment they gave a striking proof not long afterwards, in choosing his brother Richard to be their Recorder on the death of Dunning, lord Ashburton.

The American War, after seven years unsuccessful struggle, was now drawing to that point which many sagacious persons had foreseen and predicted.

On the 27th of February, 1782, general Conway moved in the commons, a resolution "That it is the opinion of this house, that a further continuance of an offensive war in America, for the purpose of subduing by force, the revolted colonies, is totally impracticable, inasmuch as it weakens that force which we ought to employ against our European enemies, and which is contrary to his majesty's declaration in his most gracious speech from the throne, where he expresses a wish to restore peace and tranquillity." This resolution, after a long and warm debate, was carried by a majority of two hundred and thirty-four, against two hundred and fifteen; and the next day, Mr. BURKE communicated the intelligence to Dr. Franklin, who had a little before requested his interest in negociating the exchange of Mr. Henry Laurens, then in the Tower, for general Burgoyne, who had been taken prisoner at Saratoga. In answer to the doctor, then at Paris, Mr. BURKE wrote the following letter:

"DEAR SIR,

YOUR most obliging letter demanded an early answer. It has not received the acknowledgment which was so justly due to it. But Providence has well supplied my deficiencies; and the delay of the answer has made it much more satisfactory than at the time of my receipt of your letter, I dared to promise myself it could be. I congratulate you, as the friend of

America, I trust, as not the enemy of England, I am sure, as the friend of mankind, on the resolution of the house of commons, carried by a majority of nineteen at two o'clock this morning, in a very full house. It was the declaration of two hundred and thirty-four; I think it was the opinion of the whole. I trust it will lead to a speedy peace between the two branches of the English nation, perhaps to a general peace; and that our happiness may be an introduction to that of the world at large. I most sincerely congratulate you on the event. I wish I could say, that I had accomplished my commission. Difficulties remain. But as Mr. Laurens is released from his confinement, and has recovered his health tolerably, he may wait, I hope, without a great deal of inconvenience, for the final adjustment of his troublesome business. He is an exceedingly agreeable and honourable man. I am much obliged to you for the honour of his acquaintance. He speaks of you as I do, and is perfectly sensible of your warm and friendly interposition in his favour.

"I have the honour to be,
With the highest possible

esteem and regard, dear sir,

Your most faithful and

obedient humble servant,

EDMUND BURKE."

London, Charles Street,

Feb. 28, 1782.

"General Burgoyne presents his best compliments to you with his thanks for your obliging attentions towards him."

Encouraged by the advantage which they had gained in carrying this resolution, the opposition renewed their attacks upon the ministry with such vigour, that on the 20th of March, lord North announced his own resignation, and that of his colleagues in the presence of an exceedingly full house. During the adjournment which followed this notification, the marquis of Rockingham was intrusted with the arrangement of a new administration, in which Mr. BURKE took his part as pay-master of the forces, with a seat in the privy council.

The first measure that occupied the attention of parliament after the recess, was the passing of an act in favour of Ireland, which was followed by a bill to dis

which, as they said, he presumptuously held in contempt of parliament. The situation of Mr. Pitt, under such peculiar circumstances, and opposed by so formidable an array of numbers and abilities, was arduous and unparalleled. But he remained inflexible at his post, and endured the pelting of the merciless storm with undaunted firmness, till the month of May in the following year, when a dissolution of parliament gave him a signal victory over his antagonists, who were now humbled in their turn to a minority. Thus, it was Mr. BURKE's fortune to be reduced again to the ranks of opposition, after taking a part in three administrations, neither of which lasted a year, and from all of which he retired without having secured either a reversionary grant or pension.

In relation to this portion of his life, we cannot avoid extracting a curious anecdote told by Dr. Priestley, who was at that time on terms of particular intimacy with Mr. BURKE. "It was early in the year 1783," says the doctor, "when I lived at Birmingham, that Mr. BURKE, accompanied by his son, called and spent a great part of the afternoon with me. After much general conversation, he took me aside to a small terrace in the garden in which the house stood, to tell me that lord Shelburne, who was then prime minister, finding his influence diminished, and of course his situation uncertain, had made proposals to join lord North. Having had a better opportunity of knowing the principles and character of his lordship than Mr. BURKE, I seemed (as he must have thought,) a little incredulous on the subject. But before I could make any reply, he said, 'I see you do not believe me, but you may depend upon it, he has made overtures to him, and in writing:' and without any reply, I believe, on my part, (for I did not give much credit to the information) we returned to the rest of the company. However, it was not much more than a month, or six weeks, after this, before he himself did the very thing, that whether right or wrong, expedient or inexpedient, (for there were various opinions on the subject,) he at that time mentioned, as a thing so atrocious, as hardly to be credible."

However inconsistent the conduct of Mr. BURKE may have been, there is no reason for calling in question his veracity

in this instance; on the contrary, the character of lord Shelburne, renders the story of his proposition for a coalition with lord North, extremely probable, and it is very likely that the latter nobleman, finding himself an object of equal interest to both parties, thought it his wisest way to join the strongest side, which certainly was the Rockingham division.

It has been said, but upon what authority, does not appear, that Mr. BURKE hesitated about taking a step, the hazardous nature of which he instantly perceived, and freely represented to Mr. Fox, who exerted all his eloquence to dissipate his friend's apprehensions.

The next great event in the public life of Mr. BURKE, was the lengthened and laborious impeachment of Warren Hastings, governor-general of Bengal. The primary motive which gave rise to this extraordinary prosecution, has never been yet clearly developed, but that it originated with Mr. BURKE is certain, and that he entered upon the subject in a hostile spirit cannot possibly be doubted. He brought forward in parliament, charges against Mr. Hastings, a considerable time previous to the return of that gentleman from India; and immediately on his arrival in 1785, the pledge which had been made to bring him before the highest tribunal of the country, was redeemed by his accuser, and ultimately carried into effect by the house of commons. In the meantime, the governor and his friends were not inactive in repelling the accusations that were from day to day voluminously heaped up by the prosecutor: but, unfortunately for Mr. Hastings, the public mind had been already prejudiced by statements, which few men even in the senate, much less therefore in the nation at large, were qualified by information to comprehend and appreciate. This was a serious disadvantage to the accused party, who saw that under such circumstances, the most justifiable and even praisewor thy acts, were liable to be perverted into crimes, by the subtile power of rhetoric, appealing to the passions, and operating upon the credulity of ignorance. Such was the case in this instance, for at that period, when it might have been expected that the people of this country were tolerably well informed on the subject of Indian history and politics, nothing in fact was less understood. The nation had

but just emerged out of a disgraceful war, and the loss of the American colonies made the public very readily believe what was boldly asserted, that an iniquitous system of oppression and rapacity had been carried on in Hindostan, which not only stained the national character, but would have the effect of putting an end to our dominion in the East for ever.

To remove this impression was almost impossible, for the nature of the tenure on which our Oriental possessions were held, could not all at once be made intelligible to minds habituated to European laws, customs, and manners. Mr. Has tings had the whole weight of British India to sustain during the recent war, and while the attention of ministers was directed to the single object of subjugating the refractory states of America, the governor-general of Bengal was compelled to find resources there, for the security of the important charge with which he was intrusted. He was in reality abandoned to his fate by the government at home, but by virtue of his local knowledge, personal interest, and indefatigable exertions, he was enabled not only to preserve our Indian territories, but actually to strengthen them by further acquisitions; in consequence of which, all the attempts of the French to dispossess us on the eastern, as they did on the western, continent were completely frustrated. Mr. BURKE and his friends, however, chose to overlook all this splendid service, and having some cause to be displeased with the conduct of Mr. Hastings towards themselves, they were determined to immolate him at the shrine of party, by an impeachment for peculation, tyranny, and other high crimes and misdemeanors. Even a condensed narrative of the proceedings that took place in the house of commons on this subject, would far exceed the limits of the present memoir; and of the trial itself, which began on the 12th of February, 1788, and terminated on the 23d of April, 1795, nothing like an abstract could possibly be given without running into details of an inordinate length.

During every stage of the business, Mr. BURKE, who of course was the leading manager, evinced an Herculean strength of mind, and an industry that must have had a serious effect upon his bodily health and constitution.

Yet it is painful to reflect upon the harsh manner in which he behaved towards the eminent person, against whom all these exertions were directed, and whose ruin was evidently sought. On one occasion during the trial, perceiving that Mr. Hastings had neglected the usual obeisance to the court at his entry, Mr. BURKE commanded him to kneel, in a tone of voice, and with a sternness of aspect, that made the whole_assembly turn from him with disgust. Even some of his own party felt ashamed for him, and Fox whispered privately to one of his friends, in that critical moment, that he would rather have been Hastings than BURKE. As the trial proceeded, the oratorical attractions, which threw at the beginning a splendour around it, began to lose their effect: and many who had voted for the prosecution, now regretted their having done so, when they saw how little the evidence agreed with the charges. A year had scarcely expired, when the conduct of Mr. BURKE came under the consideration of the house of commons, and he was censured in a resolution, for going beyond the powers delegated to him, by charging Mr. Hastings with the murder of Nundcomar, though nothing of that kind was to be found among the

articles of accusation.

Even when the trial drew towards a close, and every one anticipated what would be the result, the asperity of Mr. BURKE, instead of yielding, increased to a degree that confirmed many in the opinion which they had long formed, that the prosecution originated in private and not in public motives.

After the council for Mr. Hastings had gone through with the defence of their client, during which they were often interrupted by questions and objections, Mr. BURKE entered upon his reply, in the course of which, he alternately soared to the height of sublimity, and again sunk into the very depth of vulgar abuse. Of the latter he gave a proof in saying "That the insignificance of the prisoner ought not to induce their lordships to suppose him incapable of mischief; for though his origin was low, mean, and vulgar; though he was trained in the most base and sordid habits, yet when invested with a power to which his mind was not equal, he was capable of more complete, more extensive devastation, than any of the greatest con

querors and tyrants who have oppressed mankind." It is surprising that a man so well informed as BURKE, should have thought such scurrility necessary to his cause; but it is more surprising that he should venture to speak thus of Mr. Has tings, who was at least as well born and educated as himself, being a branch of an ancient stock, and brought up at Westminster school. Even had his origin been as low as his accuser represented it, the circumstance of his birth ought not to have been mentioned to his disparagement, and that too in the presence of many persons, among both the peers and the managers, who had no more right to boast of their lineage than Mr. Hastings. In the same bad taste Mr. BURKE compared the accused to the keeper of a pigstye, and in another part of his speech to the Devil. "Mr. Hastings," he said, "was worse than Satan, for the evil spirit showed the kingdoms of the world to the Great Author of our sacred religion, in order that he might enjoy them; but he, (turning to the prisoner at the bar) gave the provinces of Hindostan into the possession of men appointed by himself, for the purpose of destroying them."

Many other things in the same strain disgraced the speech and the orator, but in the conclusion BURKE rose to an elegance of language and dignity of spirit, worthy of his genius.

"My lords," said he, "the commons wait the issue of this cause with trembling solicitude. Twenty-two years have they been employed in it, seven of which have passed in this trial. They behold the dearest interests of their country deeply involved in it; they feel that the very existence of this constitution depends upon it. Your lordships' justice stands preeminent in the world, but it stands amidst a vast heap of ruins, which surround it in every corner of Europe. If you slacken justice, and thereby weaken the bonds of society, the well-tempered authority of this court, which I trust in God will continue to the end of time, must receive a fatal wound, that no balm can cure, that no time can restore.

"My lords, it is not the criminality of the prisoner, it is not the claims of the commons, to demand judgment to be passed upon him, it is not the honour and dignity of this court, and the welfare of millions of the human race, that alone

call upon you. When the devouring flames shall have destroyed this perishable globe, and it sinks into the abyss of Nature, from whence it was commanded into existence by the Great Author of it; then, my lords, when all nature, kings and judges themselves, must answer for their actions, there will be found what supersedes creation itself, namely, ETERNAL JUSTICE! It was the attribute of the great GOD OF NATURE before worlds were; it will reside with him when they perish; and the earthly portion of it committed to your care, is now solemnly deposited in your hands by the commons of England. I have done."

We must now turn to another prominent period in the political life of Mr. BURKE, but it is one which all his admirers and biographers hitherto have been desirous of throwing into shade, as though only the talents and virtues of a great man were to be noticed, and his failings were to be buried in oblivion. This would be to pervert the end of history, which is moral improvement, and no dependence could be placed on the delineation of any character, if the bright side of it alone were to be exhibited to public view. Such a course may be adopted properly enough, in regard to private persons, but the actions of statesmen are the materials of history; and, therefore, must be faithfully represented, to guard posterity from delusion.

At the latter end of the year 1788, the suspension of the royal functions rendered a meeting of parliament indispensable, to provide for the exigency of the case. Mr. Fox, the leader of the opposition, and the confidential friend of the prince of Wales, happened to be then in Italy, but a messenger being despatched to apprize him of the necessity of his presence, he hastened home without delay, and immediately began an active opposition to the minister. Mr. BURKE was equally zealous and enterprising on this occasion, but the conduct of the two leaders of the hostile ranks was so impetuous, that Mr. Pitt had soon an opportunity of throwing them into confusion, and of establishing an imperishable credit for himself, upon the very ground which they took to accomplish his overthrow. Mr. Fox claimed for the heir-apparent the indefeisible right of assuming the exercise of the regal authority, whenever there should be a suspension of moral power in the sove