colonies respectively, during their revolt; and on the other hand, to enable persons appointed by the British king to grant pardons, and declare any particular district.

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury:

For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences:

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and-fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies:

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments:

For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren.. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration! and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends.

We, therefore, the representatives of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA, GENERAL CONGRESS assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, FREE and INDEPENDENT. STATES; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that as FREE and INDEPENDENT STATES, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances,

in the king's peace, &c. Lord Howe (who had been previously appointed commander of the British fleet in North America) was, on May 3, declared joint com

establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of DIVINE PROVIDENCE, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. The foregoing declaration was, by order of congress, engrossed, and signed by the following members; JOHN HANCOCK.

GEORGE WYTHE,
RICHARD HENRY LEE,
THOMAS JEFFERSON,
BENJAMIN HARRISON,
THOMAS NELSON, Jun.
FRAN. LIGHTFOOT LEE,
CARTER BRAXTON.

North Carolina.
WILLIAM HOOPER,
JOSEPH HEWES,
JOHN PENN.

South Carolina. EDWARD RUTLEDGE, THO. HEYWARD, Jun. THO. LYNCH, Jun. ARTHUR MIDDLETON.

Georgia.

BUTTON GWINNETT,
LYMAN HALL,

GEORGE WALTON.

Carrollton.

missioner with his brother General Howe, for the latter purposes of the act. He sailed May 12, and while off the coast of Massachusetts, prepared a declaration, announcing this commission, and accompanied it with circular letters.

Lord Howe took occasion to publish every where, that he had proposals to make on the part of Great Britain, tending to peace and reconciliation, and that he was ready to communicate them. He at the same time permitted the American General, Sullivan, to go on his parole, and give this intelligence to the congress. He hoped, by this means, to create divisions in that body, and throughout the country. The congress were of opinion, the admiral could have no terms to offer, but such as the act of parliament empowered him to offer, which were, PARDON upon submission; yet as the people might imagine more, and be uneasy if he was not heard,' they appointed three of their body, Messrs. Franklin, Adams, and Rutledge, to meet him. His lordship chose Staten Island, which was in possession of the English troops, for the place of conference. The committee being arrived at Amboy, a small town in New Jersey opposite to the island, and in possession of the Americans, the admiral sent over his barge to receive and bring them to him, and to leave, one of his principal officers as a hostage for their safe return. The committee of congress had not desired a hostage, and they therefore took the officer back with them. The admiral met them at their landing, and conducted them through his guards to a convenient room for conference. He was surprised at their confidence, in bringing back his hostage, and more at the little estimation in which they appeared to hold his offers of pardon, and of enquiring into grievances. He seemed to have flattered himself, that the congress, humbled by their late losses, would have been submissive and compliant. He found himself mistaken. The committee told him firmly, that if he had nothing else to propose, he was come too late: the humble petitions of congress had been rejected with contempt; independence was now declared, and the new government formed. And when in cajoling them, he expressed his "affection for America, his concern in viewing her dangerous situation, and said that to see her fall would give him the same pain as to see a brother fall," they answered, that it was kind, but America would endeavor to spare him that pain.

Resolved, That copies of the declaration be sent to the several assemblies, conventions, and committees, or councils of safety, and to the several commanding officers of the continental troops; that it be proclaimed in each of the United States, and at the head of the army.

They returned and reported the conference to congress, who published it, and the people were satisfied that they had no safety to expect but in arms. Kaun

The following is the correspondence between Lord Howe and Dr. Franklin on this occasion, and the joint report of the American commissioners on the result of their mission.

PREFATORY NOTE, BY DR. FRANKLIN.

[These letters were published in London, to show the insolence of the insurgents, in refusing the offer of pardon upon submission made to them by the British plenipotentiaries. They undoubtedly deserve the attention of the public for another reason, the proof they afford that the commerce of America is deemed by the ministry themselves of such vast importance, as to justify the horrid and expensive war they are now waging, to maintain the monopoly of it; that being the principal cause stated by Lord Howe; though their pensioned writers and speakers, in parliament have affected to treat that commerce as a trifle. And they demonstrate further, of how much importance it is to the rest of Europe, that the continuance of that monopoly should be obstructed, and the general freedom of trade, now offered by the Americaps, preserved; since by no other means the enormous growing power of Britain both by sea and land, so formidable to her neighbours, and which must follow her success, can possibly be prevented.]

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To DR. FRANKLIN.

Eagle, June 20, 1776.

I cannot, my worthy friend, permit the letters and parcels which I have sent in the state I received them, to be landed, without adding a word upon the subject of the injurious extremities in which our unhappy differences have engaged us.

You will learn the nature of my mission, from the official dispatches which I have recommended to be forwarded by the same conveyance. Retaining all the earnestness I ever expressed to see our differences accommodated, I shall conceive, if I meet with the disposition in the colonies I was once taught to expect, the most flattering hopes of proving serviceable in the objects of the King's paternal solicitude, by promoting the establishment of lasting peace and union with the colonies. But if the deep-rooted prejudices of America, and the necessity for preventing her trade from passing into foreign channels, must keep us still a divided people'; I shall, from every private as well as public motive, most heartily lament, that this is not the moment wherein those great objects of my ambition are to be attained; and that

I am to be longer deprived of an opportunity to assure you personally of the regard with which, I am, your sincere and faithful humble servant, HOWE.

P. S. I was disappointed of the opportunity I expected for sending this letter at the time it was dated, and have ever since been prevented by calms and contrary winds from getting here, to inform General Howe of the commission with which I have the satisfaction to be charged, and of his being joined in it.

Off Sandy Hook, 12th of July.

TO LORD HOWE.

MY LORD,

Philadelphia, July 20, 1776.

I received safe the letters your lordship so kindly forwarded to me, and beg you to accept my thanks.

The official dispatches to which you refer mc, contain nothing more than what we had seen in the act of parliament, viz. offers of pardon upon submission, which I am sorry to find, as it must give your lordship pain to be sent so far on so hopeless a business.

Directing pardons to be offered the colonies, who are the very parties injured, expresses indeed that opinion of our ignorance, baseness and insensibility, which your uninformed and proud nation has long been pleased to entertain of us; but it can have no other effect than that of increasing our resentment. It is impossible we should think of submission to a government that has with the most wanton barbarity and cruelty burnt our defenceless towns in the midst of winter, excited the savages to massacre our farmers, and our slaves to murder their masters, and is even now bringing foreign mercenaries to deluge our settlements with blood. These atrocious injuries have extinguished every remaining spark of affection for that parent country we once held so dear: but were it possible for us to forget and forgive them, it is not possible for you, (I mean the British nation) to forgive the people you have so heavily injured; you can never confide again in those as fellow subjects, and permit them to enjoy equal freedom, to whom you know you have given such just cause of lasting enmity. And this must impel you, were we again under your government, to endeavor the breaking our spirit by the severest tyranny, and obstructing, by every means in your power, our growing strength and prosperity.

VOL. I.

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