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ion, their policy, and pretended exclusive rights, would lead them to watch and repel all foreign competition. It was as if, in after times, the Spanish commander at Pensacola or St Augustine had been advised of the colonization of Virginia by the English.

On turning to the agreement with Hojeda it is found that he is enjoined to continue his examination of the region he had discovered on the former voyage, and which seemed to run East and West, as it must lead towards (hacia) the place where it was known the English were making discoveries. He is directed to set up marks as he proceeds with the Royal Arms, so that it might be known he had taken possession for Spain, and the English be thereby prevented from making discoveries in that direction (Navarette, tom. iii. p. 86).

"Item: que vaes é sigais aquella costa que descubristes que se corre lestevuest, segun parece, per razon que va hacia la parte donde se ha sabido que descubrian los Ingleses é vais poniendo las marcas con las armas de SS. A. A. 6 con otras senales que sean conocidas, cuales vos pareciere porque se conozca como vos habes descubierto aquella tierra, para que atages el descubrir de los Ingleses por aquella via.”

A Grant of Land is made to Hojeda in consideration prospectively of his active exertions to prosecute discoveries and to check those of the English (ib. p. 88).

"Para que labrees, é fagaes labrar, é vos aprovecheis é podais aprovechar de alli, para lo que habees de descubrir é en la costa de la tierra firme para el atajo de los Ingleses."

The general direction of the region visited by Hojeda is correctly described, and it is certain that had Cabot not been stopped by a failure of provisions, but turned the Cape of Florida and followed the coast, he must have reached Caquibacoa. The vast interval occasioned by the Gulf of Mexico was then unknown.

It is quite plain that the injunction contained in Hojeda's instructions, so far from assuming the identity of the spots visited by him and the English, involves a conjecture as to their relative position towards each other. It was by following up his discoveries that Hojeda was to meet and check intrusion. The phraseology, too, discountenances the idea that the person addressed had conveyed the information as to the danger; it seems rather communicated to him in the way of caution. Nor would the setting up of marks to let the English know, on reaching them, of the Spanish claim be probably so much insisted on, if, long before, Hojeda had personally given notice of it. The allusion seems to be not so much to any one expe

dition of the English as to a particular quarter from which their encroachment was to be apprehended; and Hojeda is, therefore, enjoined to spread out his party, as soon as possible, over the intermediate region, so that it might be found preoccupied. If Caquibacoa had been the scene of common discovery, and of actual encounter, it is strange that Hojeda should now be told by others of the direction which led towards the English.

Hojeda was examined on oath, at great length, in the law proceedings between Don Diego Columbus and the Crown, and the very question at issue was as to originality of discovery. He makes not the slightest allusion to such a meeting, and yet, in the course of a trial before a domestic tribunal, there would seem to have been no motive for omitting to state what, if true, must have been known to so many. Nor is this all. If Hojeda really found a party of Englishmen in that quarter he can hardly escape the charge of perjury. He swears positively (Navarette, tom. iii. p. 544) that he was the first who attempted to follow up the discovery of Columbus ("el primero hombre que vino a descubrir despues que el Almirante”). After speaking of his having found the marks of Columbus he proceeds to detail his own discoveries, mentioning particularly Caquibacoa; and he swears that no part of this had ever been discovered or visited either by Columbus or any one else (" nunca nadie lo habia descubierto ni tocado en ello asi el Almirante como otra persona"). The statement is repeated in another part of his testimony (p. 546), "e que toda esta costa y la tierra-firme, y el Golfo de Uraba y el Darien el Almirante ni otra persona no lo habia descubierto."

One other forcible consideration will occur to those apprised of the character of Hojeda. That fiery and daring adventurer would have regarded the rival party as impudent trespassers on the dominions of the King of Spain, and as setting at defiance the Papal Bull. A man who gravely quotes this instrument in his manifesto to the poor Indians as sufficient authority for subjugating them, would hardly have exacted less deference to it from Christians. He was the last person in the world to come home quietly with a report of the intrusion-not knowing when he should return-and to throw on his Sovereign the necessity of giving that direct authority for expulsion which it might be more agreeable to find the officer taking for granted. Hojeda would have known his cue without a prompter.

In a recent volume (Lardner's Cyclopædia, History of Maritime and Inland discovery, vol. ii. p. 35), the assertion is made that

Hojeda met with English navigators near the Gulf of Maracaibo," and a sufficient authority is supposed to be found for it in the language of the Document already quoted. Without repeating what has been said on that point, it may be remarked that the writer in the Cyclopædia does not deal fairly with the original. He represents Hojeda as ordered "to follow and examine the coast which he had already discovered, and which appears to run East and West, as that is the part which the English are known to be exploring,” &c. It is obvious that the most important words are here left unnoticed. The expression "por razon que va hacia la parte donde se ha sabido que descubrian las Ingleses" will not bear the translation of the Cyclopædia without the substitution indicated by brackets, "as that is [goes towards] the part where the English are known to be exploring."

Should it appear, in the end, that the assertion has no better foundation than the document in question, what a melancholy proof have we of the perils to which Truth is subject when a writer like Navarette, who was to clear up all difficulties, is found rashly starting new errors to run their course through successive volumes!

It must be acknowledged that the remarks now submitted rather take from the force of what appears, in the text, a plausible case. But a frequent observation of the diffusive consequences of a single error suggests that there is something of moral guilt in pressing too earnestly a statement the truth of which is not sincerely confided in.

If deprived of the happy coincidence suggested by the assertion of Navarette, it must be left to conjecture to determine in what quarter the active and enterprising spirit of Cabot was employed during the long interval between his undoubted voyages from England and the time of his entering the service of Spain.

Another motive has its weight. The curious and important Documents at the Rolls Chapel will probably one day be arranged and made available to the purposes of history. Evidence may then come forth, and it is desirable that no erroneous hypothesis should be found in the way of Truth. Until that period we must be content to remain in the dark. Where the records are in such a state of confusion as to warrant the charge which has been before mentioned for finding a specific paper of which the exact date-the name of the party-the purpose and general tenor-are given, it is obvious that no private fortune would be adequate to meet the expense of a general search.

(C.)

(See page 174.)

WAS CABOT APPOINTED GRAND PILOT?

A DOUBT on this point is expressed in the text. Nothing is said on the subject in the grant of the pension, and the circumstantial evidence seems to negative the existence of such an office in his time. There is preserved in the Lansdowne MSS. (No. 116, art. 3) a Memorial presented by Stephen Burrough, an English seaman of considerable note, the object of which is to enforce the necessity of appointing such an officer. It appears by an accompanying document that Burrough himself was forthwith appointed "Cheyffe Pylot" for life, and also "one of the foure masters that shall have the keepyng and oversight of our shipps, &c." It is declared the duty of the Chief Pilot to "have the examination and appointing of all such mariners as shall from this time forward take the charge of a Pilot or Master upon him in any ship within this our realm." This is the duty supposed to have been assigned to Cabot, but it seems difficult to reconcile the language of Burrough with the previous existence of any such office. His memorial recites "Three especial causes and considerations amongst others, wherefore the office of Pilot-Major is allowed and esteemed in Spain, Portugal, and other places where navigation flourisheth." Had any such duties ever been exercised in England, he would of course have referred to the fact, and insisted on the advantages which had resulted, more particularly as he was educated in the school of Cabot, and expressly names "the good olde and famuse man Master Sebastian Cabota."

(D.)
(See page 224.)

LETTERS PATENT NOW FIRST PUBLISHED DATED 19 MARCH 1501, FROM HENRY VII. TO RICHARD warde, THOMAS ASHEHURST, AND JOHN THOMAS, OF BRISTOL, AND JOHN FERNANDUS, FRANCIS FERNANDUS, AND JOHN GUNSOLUS OF PORTUGAL.

MEMORANDUM quod XIX die Marcii, anno regni Regis Henrici Septimi XVI, ista Billa delibata fuit Domino Custodi Magni Sigilli Angliæ apud Westmonasterium exequenda.

TO THE KYNG OUR SOVEREYNE LORD..

Please it your Highness of your most noble and habundaunt Grace to graunt unto your welbeloved subjects Richard Warde, Thomas Asshehurst and John Thomas, merchants of your Towne of Bristowe, and to John Fernandus, Francis Fernandus, and John Gunsolus, Squyers, borne in the Isle of Surrys under the obeisaunce of the Kynge of Portingale your gracious Lettres Patentis under your Greate Seale in due forme to be made according to the tenour hereafter ensuying, and that this Byll sygned with your gracious hand may be to the Reverend Fader in God Henry Byshop of Salesbury, Keeper of your Greate Seale, sufficient and immediate warrant for the making, sealying, accomplysshyng of your said Lettres Patentes, and they shall duryng ther lyves pray to God for the prosperous contynuance of your most noble and ryall astate.

H. R.

Rex universis et singulis ad quos præsentes Literæ Nostræ pervenerint Salutem: Notum sit vobis et manifestum quod ex certis considerationibus nos moventibus de advisamento Consilii Nostri, concessimus et Licentiam dedimus, prout per Præsentes Concedimus et Licentiam damus, pro Nobis et Hæredibus Nostris quantum in Nobis est, dilectis subditis nostro Ricardo Warde, Thomæ Asshurst, et Johanni Thomas, mercatoribus Villa Nostræ Bristolliæ ac dilectis nobis Johanni Fernandus, Francisco Fernandus et Johanni Gunsolus, armigeris in Insulis de Surrys sub obediencia Regis Portugaliæ ori

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