fortune upon him. Nevertheless sex irregularity seems not to have been uncommon but was not so rampant as some writers It appears to have been natural rather than vicious.20 The occasions upon which men ought to avoid women have been stated (p. 49). Divorce was unrestrained and continued to be of frequent occurrence despite Handsome Lake's injunctions. A quarrel was sufficient cause for separation. The education of children was mainly in the hands of the mother and her kin. The child had impressed upon it that existence depended upon a great, good and benevolent spirit who gave life and the maintenance of it, and who expected in return grateful worship and the "doing that which is pleasing in his sight." They were taught to look to their elders for information and example of how to act and always to be kind to the aged and the infirm; they themselves, in consequence, would be treated kindly in old age. Children were warned that there were good and bad acts, and that although they could act as they pleased, “Good acts are pleasing to the good Spirit which gave them their existence, and . . . on the contrary, all that is bad proceeds from the bad spirit who has given them nothing, and who cannot give them anything that is good, because he has it not, and therefore he envies them that which they have received from the good Spirit. . . ." For the enforcement of these teachings the obedient child was rewarded with praise from his elders, while the disobedient one saw only sorrowful faces round about him. If the recalcitrant 20 Regarding social ties, see Ch. I, 18 sq. and notes thereto. Regarding sex relations of all kinds see La Hontan, II, 451-464 and Lafitau's criticism, Moeurs, 1, 583–584. Lafitau: Moeurs, I, 564-566, 577-580, 599; II, 163–164. Charlevoix: Voyage, I, 178; II, 36–43. Heckewelder, ch. XVI. XXXI J. R. (1647), 83; XLII J. R. (1655-1656), 141; XLIII J. R. (1656–1657), 265; LI J. R. (1666–1668), 125; LVII J. R. (1672–1673), 135; LVIII J. R. (1673-1674), 205. Converse, 135-138. Stites, 27, 31, 38, 71, 85-95. Parker: Maize, 22–24, 31; Constitution, 123–125. Mrs. Smith, 90–92. Morgan, II (note 103), 274–277. Goldenweiser (1912), 464 sq.; (1913), 366 sq. child persisted in his misconduct, condign punishment was visited upon him in the form of water which was sprinkled or thrown over him. Corporal punishment, confinement and similar severe remedies were not used.21 Such was the account given by Heckewelder who spent about a half-century among the Indians of our central East during the life-time of Handsame Lake. His description of later eighteenth century education contains a combination of ancient moral rules, religious ideas and a general religious sanction that was in great part if not wholly Christian. The precepts themselves are native. The punishments are native. But the admonition to show gratitude to the Giver of Life, to act in accordance with his wishes and to avoid the influence of the Evil One, is a Christian turn. The sanction, by the Great Spirit, of good conduct in general as over against bad conduct, resulted from Christian teaching. Beside this newer incentive stood that older incentive to good conduct, the power of the word of the elders and the promise of similar treatment at the hands of the generation to come. It may be asserted that the education of children, such as it was, was not influenced by religion until missionary teaching made itself felt, and then the influence was mainly as a sanction for old ways of rearing the young. From remarks made at various times it is seen that the position of women was anything but degrading. It has been stated that women had charge of the household, could own property even when married, played an important part in religious and political affairs, shared the responsibilities of providing food for the community, arranged marriages and educated the little children. To these rights may be added the fact that women had the right to send men to war and to try to bring about peace when war existed. As mothers of posterity they were valued more highly than men. The composition for the killing of a woman was twice that demanded for the killing of a man. Notwithstanding the possession of so many political, social, religious and economic rights women were regarded by the men and by themselves as being somehow inferior to men.22 21 Heckewelder, 113–116. Cf. Lafitau, I, 599; Charlevoix, u.s., II, 23, 24; Loskiel, Pt. I, ch. V; Bacqueville, III, 16–17; Parker: Code of Handsome Lake, 34. 22 Beauchamp: "Iroquois Women," Jour. Am. F.-L., XIII, 81–91, 281; Converse, 135-138; Goldenweiser (1912), 468–469. RELIGION AND SOME MISCELLANEOUS INSTITUTIONS. The Keepers of the Faith who arranged religious festivals were also teachers of morals.23 As instructed by Handsome Lake, these persons urged the people to live in peace and harmony, to avoid evil speaking, to be hospitable and charitable and to treat orphans kindly, because the Great Spirit rewarded the doers of good. They taught too that wrongdoers should not be treated harshly, and that one should not make enemies since that kindled the spirit of revenge. It seems sure that this moral function of the Keepers and the sanction used are not much more than a century old, and that the origin of both function and sanction may be traced to the changed conditions that resulted from the formation of the United States and the teachings of Handsome Lake and the missionaries before him. Most, perhaps all, of the moral precepts themselves were aboriginal. The moral influence of the dance was attested by Morgan. "With the Iroquois, as with the red race at large, dancing was not only regarded as a thanksgiving ceremonial, in itself acceptable to the Great Spirit, but they were taught to consider it a divine art, designed by Ha-wen-ne-yu for their pleasure, as well as for his worship. It was cherished as one of the most suitable modes of social intercourse between the sexes, but more especially as the great instrumentality for arousing patriotic excitement, and for keeping alive the spirit of the nation. The popular enthusiasm broke forth in this form, and was nourished and stimulated by this powerful agency. The first stir of feeling of which the Indian youth was conscious was enkindled by the dance; the first impulse of patriotism, the earliest dreams of ambition were awakened by their (sic) influences.. It was more in the nature of a spell upon the people than of a rational guiding spirit."24 Charlevoix, in speaking of Indians generally, described the fasts, dreams, dances, songs, feasts and the conduct of medicine men that go to make up the preparation for war.25 While on the one hand these now decadent practices were performed in order to raise the warriors to fighting pitch, to work them up by strenuous physical activity and to "do something" to 23 Parker: Constitution, 56; Morgan, I, 177-179. 24 Morgan, I, 249-250. 25 Voyage, I, 177-178, 186-195, 210-215. Cf. Loskiel, Pt. I, 141-159 (ch. XI); Lafitau, II, 162-199, 243-246, 248-257, 260-325; Colden, I, passim. ease the nervous tension under stress of war excitement with the dangers and tortures and deaths of war, on the other hand the religious attitude underlay and largely caused the activities. For by fasting the mind was prepared for the dreams that Tarenyawagon would send, and these would foreshadow victory or defeat, the very central consideration. The medicine men would diminish risks by enlisting the aid of Agreskoue through the use of dances and songs. With risks diminished, with divine aid assured, the victory could not be in doubt. Religious ceremonial, like the arrow, was a means to this end. Hospitality well may be denominated the cardinal attractive practice of the Iroquois. Morgan with his customary enthusiastic appreciation of the finer side of Iroquois life, painted an alluring picture. "Perhaps no people ever carried this principle to the same degree of universality, as did the Iroquois. Their houses were not only open to each other, at all hours of the day and of the night, but also to the wayfarer and the stranger. Such entertainment as their means afforded was freely spread before him, with words of kindness and of welcome. If a neighbor or a stranger entered her dwelling, a dish of hommony, or whatever else she had prepared, was immediately placed before him, with an invitation to partake. It made no difference at what hour of the day, or how numerous the calls, this courtesy was extended to every comer, and was the first act of attention bestowed. This custom was universal, in fact one of the laws of their social system; and a neglect on the part of the wife to observe it, was regarded both as a breach of hospitality, and as a personal affront. A neighbor, or a stranger, calling from house to house, through an Indian village, would be thus entertained at every dwelling he entered. If the appetite of the guest had thus been fully satisfied, he was yet bound in courtesy to taste of the dish presented, and to return the customary acknowledgment. 'I thank you;' an omission to do either being esteemed a violation of the usages of life. A stranger would be thus entertained without charge, as long as he was pleased to remain; and a relation was entitled to a home among any of his kindred, while he was disposed to claim it. Under the operation of such a simple and universal law of hospitality, hunger and destitution were entirely unknown among them."26 Le Jeune wrote that "No Hospitals are needed among them, because there are neither mendicants nor paupers as long as there are any rich people among 26 I, 318-319. Cf. Clark, I, 95-96; Parker: Maize, 61–65. りょ 1 them. Their kindness, humanity, and courtesy not only make them liberal with what they have, but cause them to possess hardly anything except in common. A whole village must be without corn, before any individual can be obliged to endure privation. They divide the produce of their fisheries equally with all who come; and the only reproach they address to us (Jesuit missionaries among the Iroquois) is our hesitation to send to them oftener for our supply of provisions."27 In Morgan's account a Christian influence is plain. At least since the days of Handsome Lake hospitality was enjoined by the Great Spirit. He had made all and had given everything for the many and not for the few. Naturally each must give of his to supply a neighbor's wants.28 There was probably a more primitive, quasi-religious sanction. Among the tales dealing with strangers is one of a repulsive old man who was received by none but a poor woman. He rewarded her kindness and hospitality by revealing to her some secret cures of diseases.29 Apparently the notion that the mana of a stranger may be uncommon and therefore he should be treated well, lies back of the tale. In by-gone days the method of healing frequently was saturated with religious feeling which was essential for the success of the cure. Mention has been made of the fact that ordinarily the medicine man caused the patient to fast and himself performed various violent and unusual acts that induced in him a feeling of exaltation, without which he was unable to overcome the power of the demon that made the patient suffer. These doctors frequently were members of secret societies and these afford excellent illustration of how certain forms of behavior, that have become associated with religion, were essential in assuring the healing power of a medicine. One of the oldest of these societies, a Seneca medicine society called the Guardian of the Little Waters, is described in detail by Arthur C. Parker, himself a member, to whom the myth of the origin of the association was related by Cornplanter. The society is very old and its ritual is tinged but slightly by Christian notions. The whole modus operandi is saturated with religious feeling. Under no circumstances must the ceremonies and 27 XLIII J. R. (1656-1657), 271–273; cf. XLI J. R. (1654-1656), 99; Parker, u. s., 22-23. 28 Parker, 62–63. 29 Canfield, 155-158; Mrs. Smith, 78. |