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not only stand the disburse of the cost of their goods, and the charges of transporting them to Portugal, but also of the duties, till the returns for them arrive.

Portugal pays a great balance in specie to the countries up the Baltic; as also to the united Provinces, France, and Italy. The Portuguese even pay a balance to Spain; but no nation is more essential in commerce to them than Great Britain, who furnishes them with the necessaries of life, and chiefly receives articles of luxury. The treaty made between queen Anne and Peter II. of Portugal is sufficient to show the necessity of a proper understanding, and perpetual friendship, between both crowns: for Portugal is thereby for ever to admit the woollen manufactures of the Britons; and Great Britain is to admit the wines of Portugal, for onethird less duty than the wines of France. It will be attended with too much prolixity to enumerate all the ararticles of trade imported and exported between both countries: they are reciprocally advantageous; and the balance is greatly in favour of Great Britain, whose interest it is to protect Portugal, and the Portuguese are sensible how much they ought to rely on the friendship of the British nation.

Indeed, Portugal once seemed blind to her own interest for king Peter, when the Spanish succession was disputed, at first sided with the duke of Anjou; by concluding a treaty with France, whereby he agreed to acknowledge Philip V. as king of Spain; and that no shelter should be given in the Portuguese ports, to English or Dutch, in case of their declaring for the archduke, nor any attempts of theirs against the two crowns be seconded in Portugal. France was to give the king of Portugal a subsidy; and to assist in recovering the Isle of Ceylon from the Dutch. But these engagements with France could not prevail upon the court of Lisbon to acknowledge the Pretender for king of England; notwithstanding the pressing instances made use of for that purpose. His Portuguese majesty soon deserted France, and concluded a treaty with the allies: in consequence of which, he assisted the archduke in the conquest of Spain. The Portuguese troops have been stigmatised for their misbehaviour at the battle of Almanza:

but this was owing to a young nobility who were unused to arms, and set a bad example to their men, who behaved well when they were incorporated among the British soldiers. However, the kingdom of Portugal was brought into imminent danger by the treaty of Utrecht, which only stipulated a suspension of arms between the Spaniards and the Portuguese; nor was any treaty concluded between them till the year 1715. When the king of Portugal, in 1709, had formed a project to prevent the extraction of bullion; he was told by Lord Galway, "that, according to the distribution "of things by Providence, riches belong to some na"tions, and industry to others; by which means the liberality of heaven is made equal to all. That, those "nations, who are gainers by their trade with Portugal, "thereby become her natural guarantees. That, his "majesty had powerful enemies, and required power"ful friends. That, the ambition of France knew no "bounds; and the pride of Spain would teach her to "keep up a perpetual claim to the territories and crown " of Portugal. That, his majesty had no recourse to "frustrate those views, and defeat the endeavours of "those potentates, but to the maritime powers. And, "therefore, (his lordship) desired his majesty to con"sider, that every project to distress them, was in effect "a scheme to destroy himself."

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From that time, the crown of Portugal has winked at the extraction of gold and silver. It is necessary she should do so because, with Spain for an hereditary enemy; and France a friend that she dares not trust; where can Portugal, too weak to defend herself, look for an able and trusty ally? To no where but to Great Britain, which is the only nation that ever has been, can, or will be, the safe, trusty, and honourable supporter of Portugal. The English generously helped them in their emancipation from the Spanish yoke, and have protected them in it ever since. If a squabble happened in Oliver's time, it was from an indiscretion of the court of Portugal, which they paid heartily for, and, on their becoming wiser, England became their friend again. Our Charles II. married their Infanta, in preference to all other princesses; and concluded a

treaty with Alphonso VI. whereby Great Britain is to succour them in times of need, and particularly with a naval force adequate to the necessity of their demand. In consequence of which, in 1735, Great Britain sent a fleet to protect Portugal from the resentment of Spain, which cost the British government above a million sterling and it is our duty, as well as interest, to grant the same protection whenever it is required.

The observance of national faith has always made Great Britain the best friend of Portugal; who, in her late dreadful calamity, has seasonably and bountifully experienced the charity and generosity of Britons. Our merchants want a confirmation of some privileges in Portugal; and his most faithful majesty is readily disposed to oblige them. He is a most amiable and excellent monarch: he consults nothing so much as the happiness of his subjects: and the fatal event that has happened in his metropolis, of Lisbon, as well as the other parts of his dominions, has given inexpressible concern to the inhabitants of London; and shewn an unprecedented example of the honour, friendship, and humanity of the British nation.

OBSERVATIONS

ON THE

TREATY

Between his Britannic Majesty and her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, signed at Moscow, Dec. 11th. 1742 ; the Treaty between his Britannic Majesty and the Landgrave of Hesse Cussel, signed June 18th. 1755; and the Treaty between his Britannic Majesty and her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, signed at St. Petersburg, Sept. 19-30th. 1755.

[From the Literary Magazine for July 1756.]

THESE are the treaties which for many months filled the senate with debates, and the kingdom with clamours; which were represented on one part as instances of the most profound policy and the most active care of the publick welfare, and on the other, as acts of the most contemptible folly and most flagrant corruption, as violations of the great trust of government, by which the wealth of Britain is sacrificed to private views, and to a particular province.

What honours our ministers and negociators may expect to be paid to their wisdom, it is hard to determine, for the demands of vanity are not easily estimated. They should consider, before they call too loudly for encomiums, that they live in an age when the power of gold is no longer a secret, and in which no man finds much difficulty in making a bargain with money in his hand. To hire troops is very easy to those who are willing to pay their price. It appears, therefore, that whatever has been done, was done by means which every man knows how to use, if fortune is kind enough to put them in his power. To arm the nations of the north in the cause of Britain, to bring down hosts against

France from the polar circle, has indeed a sound of magnificence, which might induce a mind unacquainted with public affairs to imagine, that some effort of policy more than human had been exerted, by which distant nations were armed in our defence, and the influence of Britain was extended to the utmost limits of the world. But when this striking phenomenon of negociation is more nearly inspected, it appears a bargain merely mercantile of one power that wanted troops more than money, with another that wanted money, and was burdened with troops; between whom their mutual wants made an easy contract, and who have no other friendship for each other, than reciprocal convenience happens to produce.

We shall therefore leave the praises of our ministers to others, yet not without this acknowledgment, that if they have done little, they do not seem to boast of doing much; and that whether influenced by modesty or frugality, they have not wearied the public with mercenary panegyrists, but have been content with the concurrence of the parliament, and have not much solicited the applauses of the people.

In public as in private transactions, men more frequently deviate from the right for want of virtue than of wisdom; and those who declare themselves dissatisfied with these treaties, impute them not to folly but corruption.

By these advocates for the independence of Britain, who, whether their arguments be just or not, seem to be most favourably heard by the people, it is alledged, that these treaties are expensive without advantage; that they waste the treasure, which we want for our own defence, upon a foreign interest; and pour the gains of our commerce into the coffers of princes, whose enmity cannot hurt nor friendship help us; who set their subjects to sale like sheep or oxen, without any inquiry after the intentions of the buyer, and will withdraw the troops with which they have supplied us, whenever a higher bidder shall be found,

This perhaps is true, but whether it be true or false is not worth inquiry. We did not expect to buy their friendship, but their troops; nor did we examine upon

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