country, and to resolve that, independent of all foreign influence, Americans will and shall rule America.

I feel, fellow-citizens, that I need hardly allude to the importance of maintaining this Union. I see the national flag floating from yonder height which marks the consecrated spot of Washington's headquarters. There was performed an act of moral heroism before which the bravest deeds of Alexander pale, and with which the greatest achievements of Bonaparte are not to be compared. It was there, on that sacred spot, now shaded by the flag of a free republic, that Washington refused a crown. It was there that the officers of the army, after independence had been achieved, made him the offer of a crown, which he indignantly spurned. I am sure I need not urge upon you who live so near this hallowed spot, and in sight of that flag, the duty of observing in all your actions, the farewell advice of the Father of his Country, "that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment" to the Union1; "accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts." Again I thank you most sincerely for this unexpected and hearty welcome to my native State.

AT POUGHKEEPSIE.

At Poughkeepsie he said:

It cannot be possible that the sons of our sires, who shed their blood for our liberties, would think seriously for one

I. The phrase "to the Union" is not Washington's. Its equivalent in the Farewell Address is: "The unity of government which constitutes you one people"; and again: "It is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness." Then follows the passage quoted by Mr. Fillmore.

moment of attempting to form themselves into any sectional organization that has for its object the dissolution of this free republic. It behooves us to hold well to the councils of the Father of our Country; to distrust all persons who by their acts cause dissension and bickering, or who advise any dividing line in our common country. Following the instructions of Washington, we cannot but distrust all who would by their acts attempt to array the North against the South, or the South against the North, or to create sectional parties and thus be the means of inciting civil dissensions among us themselves.

66

THE FAMOUS UNION" SPEECH

AT ALBANY, JUNE 26, 1856

MR. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS: This overwhelming demonstration of congratulation and welcome almost deprives me of the power of speech. Here, nearly thirty years ago, I commenced my political career. In this building1 I first saw a legislative body in session-but at that time it never entered into the aspirations of my heart that I should ever receive such a welcome as this in the capital of my native State.

You have been pleased, sir, to allude to my former services and my probable course if I should be again called to the position of chief magistrate of the nation. It is not pleasant to speak of one's self, yet I trust that the occasion will justify me in briefly alluding to one or two events connected with my last Administration. You all know that, when I was called to the Executive chair, by a bereavement which overwhelmed the nation with grief, the country was unfortunately agitated from one end to the other, upon the all-exciting subject of slavery. It was then, sir, that I felt it my duty to rise above every sectional prejudice, and look to the welfare of the whole nation. I was compelled to a certain extent to overcome long-cherished prejudices, and disregard party claims. But in doing this, sir, I did no more than was done by many abler and better men than myself. I was by no means the sole instrument, under Providence, in harmonizing these difficulties. There were at that time noble, independent, high-souled men in both houses of Con

1. The old State House, at the head of State street, torn down when the present Capitol was begun.

L

gress, belonging to both the great political parties of the country-Whigs and Democrats-who spurned the character of selfish party leaders, and rallied around my Administration in support of the great measures which restored peace to an agitated and distracted country. By the blessings of Divine Providence, our efforts were crowned with signal success and when I left the Presidential chair, the whole nation was prosperous and contented, and our relations with all foreign nations were of the most amicable kind. The cloud that hung upon the horizon was dissipated.

Where are we now? Alas! threatened at home with civil war, and from abroad with a rupture of our peaceful relations. I shall not seek to trace the causes of this change. These are the facts, and it is for you to ponder upon them. Of the present Administration I have nothing to say, and can appreciate the difficulties of administering this Government; and if the present Executive and his supporters have, with good intention and honest hearts, made a mistake, I hope God may forgive them as I do. But if there be those who have brought these calamities upon the country for selfish or ambitious objects, it is your duty, fellow-citizens, to hold them to a strict responsibility.

The agitation which disturbed the peace of the country in 1850 was unavoidable. It was brought upon us by the acquisition of new territory, for the government of which it was necessary to provide territorial administrations. But it is for you to say whether the present agitation, which distracts the country and threatens us with civil war, has not been recklessly and wantonly produced by the adoption of a measure to aid in personal advancement, rather than in any public good.

Sir, you have been pleased to say that I have the union of these states at heart. This, sir, is most true, for if there be one object dearer to me than any other, it is the unity, prosperity, and glory of this great republic, and I confess frankly, sir, that I fear it is in danger. I say nothing of any particular section, much less of the several candidates before the people. I presume they are all honorable men. But,

sir, what do we see? An exasperated feeling between the North and the South, on the most exciting of all topics, resulting in bloodshed and organized military array. But this is not all, sir. We see a political party presenting candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency, selected for the first time from the free States alone, with the avowed purpose of electing those candidates by suffrages of one part of the Union only, to rule over the whole United States. Can it be possible that those who are engaged in such a measure can have seriously reflected upon the consequences which must inevitably follow, in case of success? Can they have the madness or the folly to believe that our Southern brethren would submit to be governed by such a chief magistrate? Would he be required to follow the same rule prescribed by those who elected him in making his appointments? If a man living south of Mason and Dixon's line be not worthy to be President or Vice-President, would it be proper to select one from the same quarter, as one of his Cabinetcouncil, or to represent the nation in a foreign country! Or, indeed, to collect the revenue, or administer the laws of the United States? If not, what new rule is the President to adopt in selecting men for office, that the people themselves discard in selecting him?

These are serious, but practical questions, and in order to appreciate them fully, it is only necessary to turn the tables upon ourselves. Suppose that the South, having a majority of the electoral votes, should declare that they would only have slaveholders for President and Vice-President, and should elect such by their exclusive suffrages to rule over us at the North! Do you think we would submit to it? No, not for a moment. And do you believe that your Southern brethren are less sensitive on this subject than you are, or less jealous of their rights? If you do, let me tell you that you are mistaken. And, therefore, you must see that if this sectional party succeeds, it leads inevitably to the destruction of this beautiful fabric reared by our forefathers, cemented by their blood, and bequeathed to us, a priceless inheritance. I tell you, my friends, that I speak