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CHAP.
LVIII.

1785.

Alarm created.

Petitions.
March 3rd.

11th. 16th.

Britain, the produce of our colonies in Africa and America? Intercourse with our West India Islands had already been given, and a free passage to all foreign markets had been opened. It was the natural right of Ireland; and the measure was one of justice, not of grace. Having animadverted on the futile fears which had been diffused, of the probable ascendancy of Irish commerce, and explained the intended equalizing of duties, he proposed a return to be made by Ireland for intended concessions, by appropriating a certain sum out of her revenues toward the support of the navy. He moved for a resolution of the committee, declaring it important that the commercial intercourse between the two countries should be finally adjusted, and Ireland admitted to a permanent participation in all commercial advantages, whenever their Parliament should permanently secure an aid, out of the surplus of the hereditary revenue, toward defraying the expense of protecting the general commerce. He would not press for an immediate vote, but postpone the further consideration of the question.

Several leading members who spoke, abstained from discussing the general merits, each confining himself to an explanation of some former opinion, intimating some present impression, or claiming to offer more detailed observations in future.

From the time this measure had begun to be in agitation, no means were omitted for the excitement of alarms and combinations of the parties interested. Two kinds of opposition were formed; the one of persons who supposed that many branches of English trade would be seriously affected, if not altogether ruined; the other, of men who considered that the honour of Ireland was to be insulted, and her interests sacrificed. The opposition in the House of Commons was warm and unremitting; and the press sent forth numerous works, impeaching and defending the measure. Petitions were presented, and delay was requested, that more might be obtained. Liverpool, Manchester, and several other places, availed themselves of this postponement, and one member spoke of

CHAP.

LVIII.

Mr. Pitt's pro

a petition which lay at his feet, for it was too heavy to be held in his hand, signed by eighty thousand manufacturers in Lancashire. The total number exceeded 1785. sixty*; and, after two months had been expended in May 12th. hearing counsel, examining witnesses, and in desultory position. debates, Mr. Pitt introduced his propositions, which varied considerably from those agreed to in Ireland. One alteration, much complained of, was the second resolution, which subjected the revenue of Ireland to a contribution, in time of peace, toward the expenses of the naval force for protecting the trade and the general interests of the empire. Other resolutions prohibited the Irish from trading beyond the Cape of Good Hope during the existence of a chartered company; established the payment of duties and imposts; provided for the future regulation of fisheries, and tected copy-right and patents from invasion. The number of propositions was extended from eleven to twenty, and the alterations introduced were numerous and important†.

pro

Mr. Pitt supported and explained his measure by Debate on a luminous speech, in which he endeavoured to shew them. that it would not be injurious to the commerce of this country, where capital, credit, and a refined and finished skill in manufacture, would always assure preponderance over every other nation.

Lord North and several distinguished members spoke on the other side, but no one at so much length, or with so much vigour and intelligence, as Mr. Fox. He objected to the propositions singly and collectively, averring, that as the Irish were greatly and exclusively interested in the conclusion of this bargain, their evidence might, perhaps, be deemed improper when brought forward to support the system. Whatever superiority we might enjoy in capital and superior workmanship, would be balanced by the cheapness of

See General Index to the Journals of the House of Commons, vol. v. Title House 9, No. 194.

The two sets of propositions or resolutions are given together in Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, vol. iv. p. 84. And they are printed, together with the bill founded on them, in a separate pamphlet; Stockdale, 1785.

CHAP.
LVIII.

1785.

First proposition carried.

19th. The others debated and agreed to.

22nd and 24th.

30th.

Debate on the report.

labour in Ireland. On this point, he cited the evidence of the intelligent Mr. Peel, to shew that, as the finer parts of work cannot be carried on without the ruder, the greater part of superior manufacturers would abound where the less cultivated artist was most employed. Thus would an advantage be secured in manufactures of the finer kind, while in those of coarser quality Ireland must gain a decisive superiority.

At five o'clock in the morning, an adjournment was moved, but negatived*; as was a motion for an amendment by Mr. Pelham†; and, the first or general resolution having been carried, the House adjourned at six o'clock.

When the subject was next before the House, Lord North appeared the chief opponent of the third proposition; he was supported by Mr. Burke and Mr. Fox, and the minister by Mr. Grenville, Mr. Wilberforce, and Mr. Dundas; and the resolution was carried at half-past six o'clock. The remaining propositions were voted in the committee, after debates equally animated and an exact investigation of every point advanced.

On bringing up the report, and debating the resolutions collectively, the ground of opposition was completely changed; and they who had predicted the ruin of England, and the undue exaltation of Ireland, now treated the propositions as an attempt equally insidious and injurious, tending to subject Ireland, under the specious pretext of regulating duties, to a new system of taxation, at the discretion of the English Parliament. This discrepancy did not escape the attention of Mr. Pitt, and the manner in which he treated it, together with observations which he made on the inflammatory tendency of some of the speeches, drew on him the angry reprehension of Mr. Fox. Many qualities and habits in the personal and political character of the minister, he observed, had often surprised, and, he believed, confounded the speculations

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СНАР.

LVIII.

1785.

of every man who had much considered or analyzed his disposition; but his conduct on that night had reduced all that was unaccountable, incoherent, and contradictory in his character, in times past, to a mere nothing. He had left his hearers rapt in amazement, uncertain whether most to wonder at his extraordinary speech, or the frontless confidence with which it had been delivered. He concluded a speech, characterised by profound and solid argument, although mixed up with unsparing invective, by saying he Propositions would not barter English commerce for Irish slavery. agreed to. Several amendments having been made, the resolutions were agreed to, and ordered to be communicated to the Lords, with a request of a conference.

Propositions

In the upper House, the debate displayed no vio- June 7-8. lence; but the opposition was strenuous and pertina- debated in the cious. Counsel were heard, and witnesses examined; Lords. but neither the facts disclosed, nor the arguments 11th and 14th. founded on them, afford any novelty: a few amendments were made; and a short protest was signed by July 25th. six peers. The resolutions were presented to the Draft of a King, with an address. A draft of a bill was prepared, giving effect to the resolutions, and with them transmitted to Ireland.

bill sent to Ireland.

Ireland.

Parliament.

In the interval which had thus elapsed, the ele- Opposition ments of resistance in that country had become conso- prepared in lidated, and a vigorous opposition to the propositions was prepared. When Mr. Orde intimated his inten- August 2, tion to introduce them, and requested an adjournment displayed in of ten days, Mr. Dennis Browne declared the arrangement totally impossible; Mr. Flood thought that no man would venture to bring the business forward in that House, and gave notice of a motion to declare that they would maintain in full and undiminished force the supremacy of the Parliament to legislate for Ireland in all cases. Mr. Grattan also pronounced the resolutions subversive of Irish liberty.

Violent

On the day appointed, Mr. Orde again required a 11th. delay until the morrow; and the indulgence was not speeches. granted without many bitter animadversions. efforts of those who opposed the resolutions was to re

VOL. IV.

M

The

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66

present them as an attempt on the part of Eng-
land to invade the legislative privilege of Ireland.
Mr. Flood concluded an harangue directed to this
object, by asking the House if they could be so corrupt,
so base, as to give up the liberty of one of the only
two countries where freedom was now enjoyed. "The
people," he said, "will not, they must not, they shall
"not.
I will raise my voice, and I will be heard at
"the extremities of the land. I am content to be a
"fellow-subject of my countrymen; but I will not be
"their fellow-slave. If you give leave to bring in
"such a bill, you are no longer a Parliament; I will no
longer consider you so; meet it then boldly, and not
"like dastards, fearful to guard your rights; and,
"although you talk bravely to your wives and children,
"trembling at a foreign nation." Mr. Grattan spoke
on the same side with equal positiveness, though
with less apparent heat; and Mr. Curran declared
that the Irish Parliament could hear of no resolu-
tions but those which they themselves had sanc-
tioned.

66

Under circumstances thus unfavourable, and with a certain knowledge of the adverse opinion of the people at large, Mr. Orde moved for leave to bring in the expected bill. His speech was temperate, and explained clearly and exactly the several resolutions on which the bill was founded, their operation as severally considered, and their general effect as a plan of commercial treaty. Many opposition members spoke; but the oration which has been most applauded, and which seems to have fixed the attention of the public and the fate of the measure, was that of Mr. Grattan*. His effort was to make England and Ireland appear as rival and contending parties, the one endeavouring to over-reach, to coerce, and to enslave the other. Thus he gained the advantage of treating all attempts made by the promoters of the measure as mere endeavours of Englishmen, or their partizans, at encroachment and injustice tending to slavery, while he and his adher

* All writers concur in bestowing the highest eulogies on this speech. See Hardy's Life of Lord Charlemont, vol. ii. p. 148.

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