The History of England

ib.-Siege of Seringapatam formed, 659.-Conduct of
Tippoo, 660.-Night attack on the camp, ib.-Tippoo pro-
poses to treat, 661.-Progress of the siege, ib.-Prelimina-
ries signed, 662.-The treaty, ib.-Tippoo's sons given as
hostages, ib.-Insincerity of Tippoo, 663.-Consequent
proceedings of Earl Cornwallis, ib.-Definitive treaty, 664.
Observations, ib.

THE

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

GEORGE THE THIRD.

CHAPTER THE FIFTY-FOURTH.

1783.

General view of the late belligerent powers.-Mr. Hartley corresponds with Dr. Franklin on the subject of a commercial treaty.-Progress of the negotiation-American loyalists provided for by Great Britain.-- Condition of the American Congress-of the army.-Memorials to Congress.Prudence of Washington.-The army disbanded.—Washington's farewell-His retreat with honours and acclamations.-Observations on his character.-He refuses to accept the title of King.-Society of Cincinnati.-Debts and embarrassments of America.-Commerce.-Powers of Europe. -France.-Spain.- Holland.- Conduct of the Imperial Courts.-Great Britain.-Interview of Mr. Adams with the King.

GREAT BRITAIN having now emerged from the most extraordinary contest in which a nation had ever engaged, and respecting the termination of which the most gloomy forebodings had been entertained, it is necessary to review her situation in comparison with other powers, and particularly those with whom she had been engaged in hostilities.

CHAP.
LIV.

1783.

America.

Among these, America first claims attention, as well because she was the original source of contest, as from the novelty of her political relation to other states. Colonies, planted and formed, fostered, protected, and enriched by the mother country, had emancipated themselves from her restraint, and formed a separate and independent establishment. To Catholic and despotic monarchs Protestant republicans were indebted for that support which enabled them to maintain principles of hatred and contempt of kings, to spurn at all rule but that of a legislative elective body, and to associate with the ideas of freedom and natural right, those of republicanism and natural equality. If, from motives of gratitude, the newly created commonwealth might be expected to court continual alliance, and give exclusive preference to France and Spain, other causes, not less cogent, naturally tended to regenerate partialities toward Great Britain. No part of the history of America was obscure or uncertain; the period to which other nations are obliged to refer their origin, commonly called "the night of time," with them had no existence. They stood in the society of nations as mere strangers; they had no association but what had arisen during the late contest, no origin or antecedent history which connected them with royal houses or illustrious families; no original institutions or historical recollections, to which they could recur as founding claims to high consideration. Every record, every reminiscence brought back their ancient connexion, their indisputable origination; and if the heat of party, or the perversion of historical fact, for the purposes of supposed advantage, sanctioned momentary misrepresentations of the conduct and motives of the parent state, the more imperishable and neverfailing records of language, customs, manners, and jurisprudential forms, would always certify that the establishment of the Americans as a people, and the foundation of their most valuable social institutes, were derived from Great Britain. To these, at every period of the revolution, and in every project of a new government, they inflexibly adhered. Trial by jury,

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