not less real, because its sanctions are conventional. In pointing out to the freeholders or the burgesses the members whom they were to choose, they were under an obligation to select men fitted for the purpose, whatever that purpose might be. It might not then have been thought a duty to select men who were qualified to make laws or to act for themselves, or to discuss political questions. The questions for discussion were few, and such as they were, the leaders of the party or the faction probably intended to decide for themselves; but whatever interests, great or small, they thought it their duty to consider in the matter of selection, that duty they performed. The great rebellion, it has been well observed, did not so much divide the country in support of any antagonistic and abstract principles, as range the contending forces on the side of the great leaders whose influence prevailed in the different parts of the country. The revolution brought a vast addition of earnestness into the business of choosing representatives. The great parties in the State began then to assume modern forms. The struggle for power became more intense, and electioneering was converted into an art. But throughout the whole of this period, it must not be forgotten that all elections were governed by persons acting under a sense of the importance and responsibility of their work. By importance, it is not meant that they necessarily felt the serious public interests which the task involved. The importance and responsibility were regarded with a view to party strength and party confidence. Upon the management of these forces appeared to depend, at one time, the overthrow of a dynasty; at other times, certainly depended the overthrow of a

minister. The objects of the leaders in any part of the country, in labouring in either cause, might have been their own profit or aggrandisement; but in order to succeed in these objects, however selfish, they were obliged to select the best instruments to strengthen and concentrate their power. Their own relative importance in the court and the country might depend on the success with which they brought up the combatants in the great field of political warfare. The growing activity of the press, the general diffusion of information, made it necessary, in later times, to collect a different class of men. The necessities of debate called for talent. Those who influenced the elections, whether for counties or boroughs, gave their attention more and more to this species of political action. Whether a borough was owned or governed by a whig or a tory,whether bought to support an East Indian or a West Indian interest,-or whatever special or general object its patron had in view, in order to succeed in that object he was compelled to choose the most suitable instrument which could be had. The result of this competitive pursuit, possibly more of selfish than of national objects, was yet to produce an assembly composed, for the most part, of superior men. It was the sure operation of those adequate causes, which, to use the words of Mr. Burke, filled the House of Commons with much of that which the country possessed,-"illustrious in rank, in descent, in hereditary and in acquired opulence, in cultivated talent, in military, civil, naval, and politic distinction."

The state of society silently underwent a change. The system which produced these results had fulfilled

its purpose. It could not be perpetuated, the middle classes which grew up were not prepared to yield unreasoning obedience to hereditary leaders or ancient names. If the few possessed a sacred and prescriptive right to speak and act for the many, it was a right not easy of proof, and not to be admitted without proof. They bore about them no marks indicative of the divine origin of their claim, and no muniments were found to support their pretensions. The old chronicles of the people told that their forefathers, while yet in the German forests, had used to be consulted by their chiefs,— that the Plantaganets had summoned their ancestors to the royal councils, and that the haughtiest of the succeeding monarchs had then found no security but in laws which the deputies of the people had confirmed. They demanded that the representation should be what it professed to be. They were not satisfied that the government had attained, or was in the road to, perfection. They were acute and severe critics of its evils and anomalies, and were not content with arriving occasionally, and by indirect courses, at objects which they insisted should be sought for incessantly and directly. In forming a representative assembly they preferred a homely and clumsy reality to a splendid and not unsuccessful show. Their demands were conceded, and the vessel of the state has been borne safely through a period which has seen the wreck of many other con

stitutions.

The picture unfortunately has another side. The powerful patron, the guiding hand that ruled the election, and suppressed all other influences,-could form no part of a system in which the representation is

to be personal. But with the indicating mind is gone all sense of responsibility for the choice which is made. There is no obligation on any voter to bow to the choice of another. Every man is as well entitled as another to be the leader; and where every man is equally entitled to be chief, there can be no usurpation and no rebellion. A community so situated is reduced to a state of natural society so far as relates to duty or function. They remain in a state of civil society in all other respects, for the laws are present to enforce its obligations; but, as to the right of voting for parliamentary representatives, the principle is, – that every man shall do what is right in his own eyes. Viewed on this side, the electoral principle is anarchic.

"Il ne faut pas beaucoup de probité pour qu'un gouvernement monarchique ou un gouvernement despotique se maintiennent ou se soutiennent. La force des lois dans l'un, le bras du prince toujours levé dans l'autre, reglent et contiennent tout. Mais, dans un état populaire, il faut un ressort de plus, qui est la VERTU.

"Les politiques Grecs qui vivoient dans le gouvernement populaire, ne reconnoissoient d'autre force qui pût le soutenir, que celle de la vertu. Ceux d'aujourd hui ne nous parlent que de manufactures, de commerce, de finances, et de luxe même.

"Lorsque cette vertu cesse, l'ambition entre dans les cœurs qui peuvent la recevoir, et l'avarice entre dans tous. Les désirs changent d'objets; ce qu'on aimoit, on ne l'aime plus; ou étoit libre avec les lois, ou veut être libre contre elles; chaque citoyen est comme un esclave échappé de la maison de son mâitre; ce qui

on l'appelle rigueur; ce qui étoit régle, on l'appelle gêne; ce qui etoit attention, on l'appelle crainte."*

It is necessary to examine closely the operation of the principle of representation under the system now inaugurated, and if it be possible, to discover in what guidance, wisdom and safety, are to be found. This inquiry involves some investigation of the state of popular life and manners amongst us.

The natural tendency to association, common to society, has been the subject of remark in a former page. The places in which people meet, and their habits and employments, form the features of social life. A feature at the present time, which it is impossible not to remark, is the great number of public-houses and beer-shops. It was lately stated that in Kidderminster, in 1852, of 494 parliamentary voters, 109 were publicans and beer retailers, and that the licensed houses of this kind in the town were 150.† Of these establishments it would therefore appear, that about forty were not of sufficient value to place their occupants on the register. It is not, however, desirable to put forward any particular town as an example. It is necessary only to advert to the general features of life amongst the lower class of tradesmen and artisans. There is no doubt, that these houses of entertainment are places of great resort. It must not be thought that this is mentioned as a general reproach. It is due to many causes: much to the uninviting character of the vast number of dwellings in cities and towns, not of the labourers alone, but even of the smaller tradesmen. The mind yearns for some relief from

* De l'Esprit des Lois, liv. 3, chap. 3. † Times, April 15, 1857.

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