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PROGRESS OF THE DEBATE.

declarations of the natural enemies of Britain; and Colonel Barre, positively asserted that England was at that very moment threatened with war, both by France and Spain. In reply to Lord Sandwich, who maintained that France, and more particularly Spain, would think of their colonies, and the effects to be apprehended there, if the insurgents in the British colonies were protected, assisted, and made victorious in their revolt, Charles James Fox denied that it was repugnant to the interests of those two courts to permit the independence of the United States; and he urged that what France and Spain would chiefly keep in view, was the favourable opportunity of splitting and dividing their old and formidable rival- the British Empire.

In the course of the debate, George Washington was lauded as a high-spirited, hospitable, unambitious, country gentleman. The President, Hancock, was described as a plain, honest merchant, of fair character and considerable substance in Boston; and the rest of the leaders in Congress were represented as simple-minded, unspeculative people, who, until very lately, had abhorred levelling and republican principles. It was maintained that the revolutionary leaders had practised no arts, no trickery, no subterfuges, no oppression on any part of their countrymen-that there had been no coercion anywhere—that the revolution had sprung from the spontaneous and universal feeling of the colonies. The Americans were again and again called the most virtuous and most valuable members of the British community; and some of the opposition members even went so far as to describe the address, which was to be an echo of the speech from the throne, as insidious, false, deceptive, and hypocritical.

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Lord North and Lord Germaine replied to these speeches in a strain at once laudatory of the king's speech, and vituperative of the Americans and their advocates. They were followed by some others of their party, and, in the end, the amendment was lost by a vote of two hundred and forty-two to eighty-seven. After this vote, the main question was put,

DEBATE IN THE UPPER HOUSE.

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and the address carried, two hundred and thirty-two votes being given for it, and eighty-three for its rejection.

In the Upper House, the Marquis of Rockingham offered an amendment exactly similar to that of Lord Cavendish. The principal part of the debate was here sustained by the ministerial party. The Duke of Richmond thought that America was gone for ever, and that the British nation had better sit down as quiet and contented as it could under the grievous loss, which had been solely caused by an unjust and weak administration. Lord Shelburne said he could never think that Great Britain could resign her right to control American trade, and force the Americans to pay taxes. The amendment was then negatived, by a majority of ninety-one against twenty-six, and the address passed by about the same vote.

On the 16th of November, Lord Cavendish moved that the House should resolve itself into a committee to consider of the revisal of all laws and acts of Parliament by which the Americans thought themselves aggrieved. Burke seconded this motion in a most eloquent speech. He applauded the great valour of the Americans, and denied the charge which the ministers had made, that that people had attempted to burn New York, to rid it of its enemies. He called the conflagration of that city a direct interposition of Providence to arrest the progress of the British arms. Many other speeches were made, aiming at the conduct of the ministers, who replied in a strain of abuse of the American Congress, and on the question being taken, the motion was lost by a majority of sixty-two.

On the 8th of November, Lord North moved in committee for a supply of forty-five thousand seamen, for the service of the following year. Upon this, Mr. Luttrell asserted that all the British naval affairs had been infamously and corruptly managed, and that the noble lord at the head of the admiralty had been guilty of wilful and dangerous imposition, both on parliament and the public, by putting forth false representations of the state of the navy. Lord North and other members of the admiralty board, vindicated Lord Sandwich's conduct, and after censuring Mr. Luttrell for his attack upon

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SPEECH OF MR. LUTTRELL.

him, they affirmed that nothing could more redound to the honour of the first lord of the admiralty, than a strict parliamentary inquiry, which would prove that all the charges brought against him proceeded from error or falsehood, ignorance or malice. Luttrell replied to their censures, and stated that as a representative of the people he had a right to investigate the conduct of any public officer, and that, as soon as the house was resumed, he would move for the production of all the late returns of the navy which had been received at the admiralty; and he afterwards did so. Lord North refused to produce them, and upon Luttrell's saying that they were necessary to afford him the proofs he wanted to establish the charge, which he had intended to bring, the matter was dropped.

The number of seamen required by the estimate was granted, and between three and four millions of pounds sterling were voted for the expense of the navy, together with nearly the same sum to the army estimates. These supplies being granted, parliament adjourned on the 13th of December till the 21st of January following.

It will be perceived by the foregoing detail of proceedings in the British parliament, that the king and his ministers, with the party by whom they were supported, were unmoved in their determination to enforce the unconditional submission of the colonies; while the opposition were earnest in their endeavours to procure the adoption of conciliatory measures. With a majority of the British nation the war was popular; and the attempt of an obscure individual called John the Painter, alleged to be a secret emissary of the French or colonial agents, to burn the navy-yards of England, served to increase the popular indignation against the Americans. The misrepresentations of the loyalists in this country served to blind the British nation to the determined and formidable character of the revolt.

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HE commencement of hostile operations in the middle states had been

deferred until August in the preceding season; but the campaign of 1777 promised to begin with the year. The militia were emboldened by the success of Washington, and respecting themselves, they confided in their persevering efforts to secure the great object of contention, the independence of America.

Without enlisting or joining the regular army under Washington, the insulted and offended people of Jersey, in many instances formed themselves into bands, ready to move at short notice; and these little companies were ever on the alert to surprise a straggling party, or cut off an unwary detachment of foragers of the enemy. So successful were they in this skirmishing kind of warfare, that the British never ventured out for forage, except in very strong parties, and even then, in many cases, they were met and defeated by the raw militia of the country. As an instance, near two thousand of the British on a foraging expedition from Amboy, on the 23d of February, attacked the American guards and drove them five or six miles; but when the latter were rein

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STATE OF THE AMERICAN ARMY.

forced by General Maxwell, with fourteen hundred militia, the British retreated, leaving some prisoners in the hands of the Americans, and two dead. They were so thoroughly mortified at their unsuccessful operations, that they frequently refused to let their opponents know their loss; but carried off their dead and wounded in light wagons.

Thus were the troops under Cornwallis watched, straitened, and obliged to undergo the hardships of a most severe and unremitting duty; notwithstanding that Cornwallis was reinforced by a brigade, and a detachment of grenadiers and lightinfantry, drawn from the troops in Rhode Island, under Lord Percy.

Nothing but ignorance of the numbers and situation of the American army, could have prevented Cornwallis from marching against and dissipating it. Washington's whole force, including militia, amounted often to not more than fifteen hundred men; and it has been asserted, upon good authority, that he repeatedly could not muster more at Morristown than between three and four hundred. Early in the year, however, fifteen hundred of the new troops would have been upon their march from Massachusetts; but the general court could not supply them with arms. This perplexity was of but a short continuance. A vessel arrived at Portsmouth, from France, with eight hundred and sixty-four cases, containing eleven thousand nine hundred and eighty-seven stand of arms; she had also on board, one thousand barrels of powder, eleven thousand gun-flints, and other munitions of war. Congress had been under a similar embarrassment with the Massachusetts general court, as to the procuring of supplies for Washington's army; but they obtained similar relief by the arrival of ten thousand stand of arms in another part of the United States.

Before the royal army took the field for the ensuing campaign, two enterprises were resolved upon for the destruction of the American stores, deposited at Peekskill, on the North river, and at Danbury, in Connecticut. For this purpose, a detachment of five hundred men, under Colonel Bird, was

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