Christian in the House of Commons, because the expression occurred in an oath invented as well for English Jews as for other English subjects, and to which it would therefore be absurd to regard those words as essential, there is another baron ready with the shrewd remark that because a thing is absurd it need not follow of necessity that the legislature did not mean it. This latter Daniel found two others to support that view, which clearly appears to have most of that kind of reason on its side in which our English law delights. At the same time all the barons appeared to countenance and join in a humane suggestion that the law thus proved hostile to the worthy alderman—unintentionally so as one of them thought it, mischievously so as a second of them thought it, and substantially absurd as a third of them characterised it—should be in some way or other overhauled by the legislature. Mr. Salomons really comes better off than our less fortunate selves. Materials have been largely accumulating, during the month, for a book upon the mysteries of Paternosterrow. The ancient bibliopolic Isis bids fair to stand stripped of her usual worship and obedience before many moons are over. The old lady had been too exacting. Not content with arranging her own profits, she must needs arrange the profits of other people; and having so fixed her own wholesale price as to cover all the cost of production, would fain also fix the precise retail price which is to satisfy the cost of distribution. Whereupon there has been a revolt against her authority, charges advanced, counter-charges provoked, the public made a party, and a Chief Justice the umpire; nor is it at all improbable but that the quarrel may end, as such quarrels have heretofore been known to end, in honest folk getting more than they expected of their own. Certainly if a particular sum has sufficed to defray all the charges of producing a book; if it has been possible, by selling the book at such a price, to satisfy all demands of printer, paper-maker, bookbinder, publisher, and author, it does seem a little hard that the purchaser should be taxed to the tune of an additional 33 per cent. for what would appear to involve no more additional outlay than the handing the book across a counter, or the tying it up in a parcel. But next month more will have to be said of this, and with greater certainty.

Prince Schwartzenburg has been struck by the sudden death which so often awaits men of violent passions, in the very act of using all his energy to obtain a seat for M. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte among the hereditary continental rulers. But Nicholas won't receive him in any other character than as a warming-pan for legitimacy; and Frederic William says ditto to Nicholas. M. Bonaparte himself has continued to exhibit unabated activity in closing up, as far as possible, the old fields of knowledge cultivated in the University of Paris. He has degraded history and philosophy by the dismissal of Michelet and Quinet. He has prescribed courses of study of which the design is to qualify the bourgeoisie of France to serve their masters in future, and no longer to criticise them. He has opened his parliament of mutes with significant recommendations to do his bidding implicitly, telling them that his desire is to do everything for France, and nothing for himself; and illustrating this abnegation of selfishness by securing a civil list practically amounting to about double the sum of that which Louis Philippe enjoyed. Sooth to say, indeed, M. Bonaparte is become just as unquestioned a potentate, to all outward appearance, as that other sovereign chief with whom Lord Palmerston has also been doing his best to establish us in friendly relations. Guezo, king of Dah's belly, does not sit more absolute amid his 18,000 warrior-wives and his pannikins of rum,

stifling in swamps or cutting the throats of all who happen to entertain doubts of his title, than does M. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte amid his millionand-a-half of bayonets, his sausages, and his champagne. Next month is expected to inaugurate an empire, but it is hard to see what advantages an empire would substitute for the many obvious advantages a dictatorship would lose. For neither the "pannikins of rum," nor nor even the yielding embraces of a prostitute army, can bar the danger they involve to the very system they support; already weakness is said to have declared itself in many unexpected and as yet silent quarters against the bayonet-propped presidency; already the judges of the Tribunal of the Seine, in a spirited decision against the confiscation-decree, have openly pronounced against the usurper: and it is not with anything like the same alarm of French invasion which prevailed a dozen weeks ago that our House of Commons is again engaged in the discussion of a second Militia Bill. Meanwhile, as the old world is shipping off its rebels to the new, the new world is shipping off its tyrants to the old; and Rosas, thrust out ignominiously from one continent of America, crosses the last batch of German patriots and French philosophers on their way to the other.

A little gleam of belief in the safety of Franklin and his comrades has dawned upon us from the drifting icebergs that come down each year towards the equator from more distant frozen seas, on one of which, there seems little doubt, two deserted ships that might have been Franklin's were seen last year, five miles off, by a trading brig bound for Quebec. Beside this shadowy hope of safety for many gallant countrymen, we have to place the too-certain and terrible loss of more than four hundred and fifty brave fellows in the wreck of a government steam-ship bound with detachments for the Cape. Nothing could save them. If the calmest and most heroic fortitude could have turned away calamity, these men would have been spared. It was not to be; but not in vain did they show how the discipline of English soldiers can face any form of death. See,' the military journals of the Continent have since been saying, 'what the English strength consists in. Don't be too easily persuaded that corporal punishments and promotion by purchase, now retained in that army alone, make it less fit to cope with its adversaries. Lay not too much stress on its imperfect equipments, on its inferior arms, on its unequal examinations and service, on its comparatively scanty numbers; but view the conduct of its raw recruits on board the sinking steamer, Birkenhead.' So important is it that duty should be done, however hopeless and utterly desperate the time and circumstances.

Such other leading topics of the month as invite the reader's attention our Narrative will faithfully present to him. A new notion of a franchise propounded by Mr. Walpole to give a county vote to every militia man after two years' service, turned out to be a grave man's construction of a dull man's joke; and its sober reception in the House of Commons before the truth was known, can only be taken for proof that that part of our venerable constitution is now become quite too old to be startled at anything. The benchers of the four inns of court have at last agreed on a measure of reform in legal education, which will extend the preparatory discipline for a barrister's degree some short way beyond the proof of having eaten so many legs of mutton. Those horrible instruments of legal torture which have hitherto passed by the name of Masters in Chancery, are about to be abolished by a bill of the Lord Chancellor's; which it is to be hoped will also so effectually lay their ghosts, as to prevent them

may

revisiting Chancery under any other name. The ministry has promised to tell the House of Commons at no distant day, whether or not clergymen who are known to hold every doctrine of the Church of Rome also be permitted to hold profitable benefices in the Church of England. The engineers' dispute has ended in what must be regarded substantially as a surrender of the workmen. And finally there are committees now proposed in both houses of the legislature for the purpose of inquiring, before a new lease be granted, into the administration of the last lease given to the directors sitting in Leadenhall-street for the government of the hundred millions of various races who constitute our Indian empire.

NARRATIVE OF PARLIAMENT AND POLITICS.

IN the HOUSE OF LORDS, on Monday, the 29th of March, the Earl of ELLENBOROUGH moved for papers connected with the Forfeiture of the Territories held by Prince Ali Morad, on the ground of his having been guilty of forgery and fraud in obtaining possession of them. He reminded the house and the government that this prince had been a useful ally in some of our wars, and contended that, supposing the decision to be correct, the sentence was excessive.-Lord BROUGHTON defended the act of the governor-general of India, by which Ali Morad was deposed. Going into a great mass of details, he showed that Ali Morad had been guilty of manifold crimes, besides the particular one of forgery which was inquired into by the special tribunal. In fact, to the machinations of that wicked man had been due the ruin of his own brother, and our war with the Ameers of Scinde, which ended in their destruction. He had been deposed as a man already fallen through his own bad actions, as an enemy to the British power, and as unworthy of the headship of his family and country. The Earl of DERBY accepted the defence made by Lord Broughton as complete, and took on his own government the responsibility of the acts impugned. In the course of his speech, Lord Derby stated that the case of the Ameers of Scinde has had such a new light thrown upon it, that an inquiry has been directed, to learn how far they acted under the influence of Ali Morad.-The motion was agreed to.

On Tuesday, the 30th, Lord ČAMPBELL asked the noble Earl at the head of her Majesty's government, what the government intended to do with the Crystal Palace? The Earl of DERBY could only say that Her Majesty's Government, having taken into consideration the report of the commission appointed to inquire into the subject, were of opinion that the building, having accomplished all the objects for which it was erected, should disappear, and that the contractors should be called upon to remove it.

The Earl of DERBY, in reply to questions from the Earl of Minto and the Duke of Newcastle, respecting the intended Duration of the Session, denied having pledged himself to advise a dissolution of parliament at any specific period, or that after the assembling of the new parliament, a prorogation would take place this year. What he had stated was, that he expected that the new parliament would have an opportunity of pronouncing, in the course of the coming autumn, an opinion on certain questions which it was important to decide before parliament meets in 1853.

On Friday, April 2nd, the Earl of DERBY moved for a select committee to inquire into the operation of the act 3rd and 4th of William IV., chapter 85, for the better government of Her Majesty's Indian territories. Lord Derby took an historical view of the origin and growth of the East India Company from the time (two hundred years since), when it was so insignificant a trading community, that it refrained from landing a single battalion of troops in its settlement from fear of exciting the jealousy of the neighbouring princes, to the present day, when, having dropped its entirely commercial character, it has attained political empire over a

country extending over twenty-eight degrees of latitude, and embracing a population of 150,000,000 souls-not so much by its army of 285,000 soldiers, as by a wise government and an enlightened humanity. He explained the constitution of the Company; distinguishing beyond that of receiving the dividends on its stock; the Proprietary, which has scarcely any function and the Court of Directors, which has been stripped by the Imperial Legislature of all political power except that due to its ability to recall any and every officer in the Indian service from the governor-general downwards, but which has intentionally been intrusted to retain nearly all the patronage of the Indian service. Then he exhihited the machinery of the Board of Control, which now has the whole political power and administration of the Indian Government in its hands. He showed the nature of the Secret Committee, a body compounded of the Court of Directors and of the Board of Control, for the management of negotiations with the Indian princes. Then he explained the details of the local government in India, in its separate political centres at Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay, but under the general control of a council presided over by the governor-general. From the political framework of government, he went into the dispensation of religion, the administration of justice, and the execution of public works; showing how the first is more abundant under the influence of three bishops and 130 chaplains; how the second is more pure under the administration of English judges, while at the same time the natives are trained to the greater participation in judicial offices which is daily more and more opened to them; and how the third has become munificent and beneficial, under a government whose revenues have now reached a yearly amount of 25,000,000l. sterling. The whole of these subjects would come under the inquiry of the committee, that they might consider and report on them all; but practically the great questions would be, could the government of India be administered without the intervention of the Court of Directors? Would it be better that the nominal power should be exercised solely by the body which now exercises it really? Lord Derby expressed his own opinion to be in favour of retaining the Directory.-The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH pointed out many alterations which ought to be made in the India Board, and suggested that the patronage of the Company should be diminished by transferring the chief appointments from the Board to the Government. The motion was then agreed to.

In reply to a question from the Earl of Albemarle, the Earl of DERBY said it was not the intention of the Government to make any alteration at present in the law relative to the Grant to Maynooth; but he must say that the conduct of the Catholic clergy in Ireland, and the course pursued by the Court of Rome, increased the difficulty of defending a grant given for the purpose of making the people loyal and content, having, in fact, no other object but conciliation.

On Monday, the 5th, the Earl of ELLENBOROUGH called the attention of the house to the War with Ava, which had been commenced, and which he viewed in a very serious light. He recalled the circumstances of the last war, that the magnitude of the present crisis might be seen. In that war we sent a force as large as the army which Bonaparte took with him to conquer Egypt-40,000 men. Of those, 7000 were Europeans. "Of the European troops, two regiments, the Thirteenth and the Thirty-eighth, left Calcutta in April 1824, 1800 strong; and in January 1826 they had not 500 men left fit for service in the field. I doubt much whether at the end of that war 10,000 men out of the whole 40,000 were fit for duty in the field." The army landed at Rangoon on the 11th of May, and it was not able to move till the 11th of February-eleven months! troops lived entirely on salt provisions. No fresh provisions were to be had in the country; and when bullocks were sent them, every bullock sent from India cost in freight 101. Notwithstanding the great amount of the force sent to Ava, I believe that the general in advancing on the capital of that country had never more than 5,500 men under arms, and I know that on the 24th of February 1826 he had with him only 4000 men. It was true, we had now advantages that we did not

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what were the intentions of government with respect to the maintenance of the grant.-The Earl of DERBY, after some explanations as to the statements made by himself and the Solicitor-General, said that the government had no present intention of altering the existing law, and that ample notice would be given should circumstances arise to induce the government to take another course.-An animated but desultory discussion then arose, in which Lord Grey, Lord Derby, the Earl of Harrowby, the Marquis of Lansdowne, and the Bishop of Cashel, took part, after which the subject dropped.

On Thursday, the 22nd, the Earl of DERBY moved the second reading of the St. Albans Disfranchisement Bill, which, after some conversation, was agreed to without opposition.-A discussion subsequently arose upon a motion proposed by Lord REDESDALE, to allow certain electors of the borough—whose petition he had presented at an earlier period of the sitting-to be heard by counsel against the bill on its going into committee; the Marquis of CLANRICARDE and Earl GREY objecting, on the ground that there had already been sufficient inquiry into the case, and that no new facts could possibly be elicited. In the end, a division was taken; and the motion was carried by 41 against 15 votes.

In the HOUSE OF COMMONS on Monday, March 29th, Mr. WALPOLE, the Home Secretary, moved that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, himself, and the Secretary at War, should prepare and bring in the bill to amend and consolidate the laws respecting the Militia, for which leave had already been given; and entered into explanations of the reasons for the measure, and its details. It was admitted, he supposed, that this country ought to be, in its means of defence at least, placed upon an equal footing with other countries, looking at the elements of anarchy and confusion which might easily break out not many months hence. It was true, our friendly relations with other powers had increased and were increasing; but this fact would show that we were not influenced by jealousy or fear. The first question was, were we in such a state of defence as a great country like this ought to be in? The testimony of the first military and naval authorities showed that it had not sufficient provision against a sudden emergency. Steam navigation exposed the country to more imminent peril than at former periods; past governments had in times of panic proposed measures similar to this; and the house had already decided that something ought to be done to put the country in a better state of defence. There were, he observed, three classes of objectors to a militia. One said, our defences were sufficient as they were; but Mr. Walpole showed that while our army was very little larger than that of Belgium notwithstanding the dimensions of our empire, in case of a sudden incursion not more than 25,000 men could be brought to bear upon any one point; and that our ships in commission at home consisted of only 9 of the line, 5 frigates, 1 sloop, and 17 steamers. Others said that there was no immediate necessity for preparation; but hasty preparations, while less perfect, would aggravate the panic. The time of preparation and of action ought not to be simultaneous. The third class of objectors urged that we should increase our regular army. This would add greatly to the permanent expense, and both army and navy were instruments of attack as well as defence, so that an augmentation of either would rouse suspicion and provoke jealousy. The militia was a national institution-a force familiar to the country; we had actually at this moment a militia, for the law was only suspended. The militia had, moreover, done good service to the country, and, in assuming the character of soldier, the militia-man did not renounce that of citizen. After a short review of the history of the militia laws, Mr. Walpole proceeded to develope the plan proposed by the government-namely, first, to raise, if possible, without abandoning the ballot, a force of 80,000 volunteers, to be drilled and trained under the regulations of the 43d George III.; 50,000 only to be raised the first year, and 30,000 the second year, the period of service to be five years. Secondly, it was proposed to raise these men by bounties of 31. or 4l., either to be paid

down at the time, or at the rate of 2s. or 2s. 6d. per month, the volunteer being at liberty to take it in one way or the other. Thirdly, with respect to the officers, it was proposed to dispense with the qualifications required by the 43d George III., in regard to all officers below the rank of major, and generally to consider the having been in the army equivalent to qualification. Fourthly, the bill provided that the number of days' training required in the year should be twenty-one, the crown having the power to extend the period to seven weeks, or to reduce it to three days. Lastly, with respect to the embodiment of the men, it was not proposed to make any alteration in the existing law. The expense required for bounty and equipment would be about 1,200,000l.; but if spread over five years, it would be about 240,000l. a-year; except that during the first year the cost of equipment would raise the expense to 400,000l., including (as Mr. Walpole afterwards intimated) the clothing. This being a national defence, it was intended that the expense of the equipment, arms, and bounty should, save in districts which should not provide the proper quota, be borne by the public purse. Having disposed of anticipated objections, Mr. Walpole concluded by appealing to the house to accept this measure, and thereby assist the government in accomplishing the object of providing an effectual defence for the country with as little interference as possible with the ordinary habits and industry of the people; observing that, if it were rejected, either from party motives or through an overweening confidence in the assumed impregnability of our insular position, the government would have the satisfaction, at least, of knowing that they had endeavoured to do their duty.-Mr. HUME, not objecting to the introduction of the bill, condemned the policy of the measure as unnecessary to the present time, when this country was upon the most amicable terms with other nations.-Sir DE LACY EVANS preferred an addition to the regular force to a militia. Mr. M. GIBSON thought it would be better to defer this measure until after an appeal should have been made to the country. He would rather increase the regular army. -Lord PALMERSTON said it was his intention to give this measure every support in his power. An increase of the regular army could not be maintained; and 8,000 regular troops would cost as much as the drilling of these 80,000 men.-Lord J. RUSSELL, agreeing that our means of defence should be increased,. thought the statement of Mr. Walpole, however explicit in some parts, was less so in others, which, not being agreeable to touch upon, he had seemed anxious to avoid. If 80,000 volunteers were not obtained recourse must be had to the ballot; how was that to be done, and what were the classes to be subject to the ballot? It would be most unjustifiable in him (Lord John) to offer any obstacle to the introduction of this bill; at the same time it was for the country to judge, and although he should prefer a militia force to an increase of the regular army, the country might entertain a repugnance to it.-Mr.WALPOLE said, it was intended, if there should not be a sufficient number of volunteers, to fall back upon the ballot, which would extend from the ages of eighteen to thirty-five.-Mr. COBDEN condemned the measure in toto, as being wholly unnecessary, and recommended that we should propose to the French to lay up their ships in ordinary, reciprocally with ours, ship for ship, instead of continuing our competition of wasteful extravagance. — Mr. BERESFORD, Secretary at War, and Admiral BERKELEY, supported the Bill.-Mr. Fox MAULE objected to the details of the measure. It went (he said) a great deal farther than the measure of the late Government, and was to all intents and purposes a revival of the regular militia, with all which that implied, of long service at al distance from home, and the necessary destruction of the trade or profession of the recruit unable to procure a substitute. Of course, one volunteer would be worth many impressed men; but his belief was, that they would get very few volunteers for 2s. 6d. per month, or 1d. a-day. Again, had Mr. Walpole examined the confused machinery of the ballot which he proposes to retain? If he had, he would have found, that instead of assembling the force in ten weeks, as the measure of the late Government would have