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National Schools those members of the established church hostility to England, it would be folly and madness to who have hitherto been prevented by conscientious wait for the contingency, however remote, of invasion scruples from availing themselves of the aid so afforded. before making the necessary preparations for our -The Marquis of LANSDOWNE complained that no defence and security. The Duke of WELLINGTON intimation of the intention of the government to make said he was the last man to hesitate as to the relative this alteration had been given to the House of Commons merits of well-disciplined and half-disciplined troops. before the grant in question was voted.-After some The things were not to be compared at all. You could observations from Earl Grey, the Earl of DERBY have confidence that the disciplined troops would perexpressed his readiness to promise that no money should form what they were ordered to do, while with undisbe applied under the minute until parliament should ciplined troops the chances were that they would do the have had an opportunity of expressing its opinion on the very reverse of what was expected from them. But on subject. this occasion the state of the country must be considered, which, though at peace with all the world, had never, so far as its army was concerned, maintained a proper peace establishment. Let us, then, while we are at peace, make a beginning and return to the militia, our old constitutional peace establishment.-After some observations from Earl GREY, the bill was read a second time.

In Committee on the Surrender of Criminals Bill, the Earl of MALMESBURY proposed a new arrangement, which he hoped would remove the jealous fears expressed in a former sitting of the house as to the liberty of the subject. Having conferred with the French Ambassador, he proposed that no prisoner should be surrendered to the French Government till our Secretary of State should first have the piéce d'accusation or mise en accusation, with a certificate from the Juge d'Instruction that officer being a judge independent of the Executive. -Lord CAMPBELL suggested, doubtingly, that the Juge d'Instruction is removeable.-Lord BROUGHAM observed, that they did not know the real effect of the mise en accusation, or the process by which the judge issued his mandat d'arrêt on the piéces d'accusation. Other Peers-the Earl of ABERDEEN, Earl GRANVILLE, and the Duke of ARGYLL-made critical observations on the measure. At last it was resolved to agree to the amendments, that they might be printed, and seen as they would affect the bill.

On Friday, June 18th, the Navy Pay Bill was read a second time.

Lord BEAUMONT moved for a copy of the information on which the warrant had been issued for the apprehension of the Baroness Von Beck.-The LORD CHANCELLOR said he had received a communication from the mayor and magistrates of Birmingham, expressing their anxiety to have the whole subject investigated.-The motion was agreed to.

Earl FITZWILLIAM moved for a return of the entire

sum awarded to the claimants upon the French Compensation Fund, and of the sum remaining in hand after the payment of the last award, and the manner in which that sum was appropriated. After a few words from the Earl of DERBY the motion was agreed to.

Lord LYNDHURST presented a Petition from the Baron de Bode, and moved for a Select Committee to inquire into its allegations. The Earl of DERBY, who himself brought forward the wrongs of the Baron twenty-four years ago, assented to the Committee. It was opposed by Earl GREY; but the house granted it. On Monday, June 14th, on the motion for committing the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill, the Earl of DERBY objected that the bill allowed an investigation into alleged corrupt practices in any borough to be instituted on a vote of the house of commons instead of an address to the crown, concurred in by the house of lords. He also intimated that he should move amendments exempting counties and universities and limiting the power of inquiry into consecutive elections to cases where the bribery was practised continuously, and own conduct; and the Earl of DERBY declared that excepting those where a pure election intervened. He he shared in Lord Malmesbury's responsibility, having should also oppose that provision which placed treating all along been cognisant of his proceedings. on the same footing with bribery. In committee the noble lord's first amendment requiring the assent of the house of lords to the issuing of any commission of inquiry was carried, after discussion, by 78 to 34 votes. Another division was taken against the provision which classes bribery and treating together, and Lord Stanley's amendment was carried by 68 to 35 votes.

The Duke of ARGYLL presented a petition similar to that presented to the commons on the preceding day, from the legislature of New South Wales, claiming Self-government and the sole control of all matters of Finance and Land.-Earl GREY was of opinion that the constitution possessed by the colony was in all respects as free as in its present state it had a right to demand.

On Monday, June 21, Lord BEAUMONT brought forward the Case of Mr. Mather, and a discussion ensued, similar to that which had taken place in the house of commons. The Earl of MALMESBURY defended his

On Tuesday, June 22, the Earl of DESART moved the second reading of the New Zealand Bill, which was agreed to without a division, after some observations from the Dukes of Newcastle, Earl Grey, and others.

On Thursday, June 24, the Earl of DERBY, in answer to Lord Torrington, intimated that a Treasury minute was about to issue prohibiting the Mixing of Chicory with Coffee, but allowing its separate sale.-A discussion took place on the standing order which requires fourfifths of the shareholders to assent to any measure of Railway Amalgamation. It was urged by the Marquis of Clanricarde, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Lyndhurst, and others, that the order gave a minority power to defeat projects of great public advantage, as in the recent case of the proposed amalgamation between the Shrewsbury and Birmingham and Shrewsbury and Chester companies, by which the Great Western chain of communication was sought to be completed.-Lord STANLEY OF ALDERLEY suggested that the remedy might be met by requiring that that no shareholder should vote unless he had held his shares for a certain time before the voting. Ultimately the question was referred to the consideration of the standing orders committee.

On Friday, June 25, the Earl of MALMESBURY being interrogated by the Marquis of Clanricarde, stated that no correspondence had taken place with the government of France, in reference to the withdrawal of the extradition bill, but that government, acting in the friendly spirit which had characterised them in their relations with this country since the present ministry had come into office, had stated, when they found the opposition

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against the bill so severe, that they would not persevere | be elected by the same constituencies that elected the in requiring the execution of the convention. The purpose of the bill was to carry out a convention agreed to by the late government, and he had naturally anticipated their support.

The New Zealand Bill passed through committee.

In the HOUSE of COMMONS, on Thursday, May 27th, Lord STANLEY, in reply to questions put by Lord D. Stuart and other members, gave full details of the Case of Mr. Murray, the sum of which was, that upon a charge of having connived at murders committed at Ancona, he had been arrested by order of the Papal government, detained in prison from July 1849 until November, 1851, tried by a special tribunal, convicted, and sentenced to death, the execution of which sentence he was, according to the last advices, awaiting at Ancona; and that the British consul at that city had been instructed to use every effort to procure at least a mitigation of the sentence.

On Friday, May 28, some discussion took place respecting the above case. Lord D. STUART thought the British authorities had not paid sufficient attention to the matter to ensure Mr. Murray a fair trial.-Lord STANLEY contended that there was no ground for assuming that Mr. Murray's case had been neglected. At the present time every effort was being made by the British government to protect Mr. Murray from being made the victim of injustice-if any such injustice had been practised towards him.-Lord PALMERSTON gave his willing testimony to the zeal and activity exhibited by the British authorities in the case of Mr. Murray. In reference to British relations with the Court of Rome, he reminded the house that that court had never refused to receive a British minister charged with a specific and temporary duty. The house adjourned to Thursday the 3rd of June.

members of the legislature, and that their salaries should be left to be decided upon by the principal legislature. In reference to the New Zealand land company, he was of opinion that he was bound by the agreement which was sanctioned by the act of 1847. He was not answerable for that agreement, and even if it was a very favourable one for the company, he thought himself bound, nevertheless, to see that the company should not by this bill be placed in a worse position than they were placed in by that act. He would, therefore, not insist on the stipulation that 5s. per acre on all lands sold should be paid to the company, which might affect their interests unfavourably, but would propose that onefourth of the proceeds of all sales of land should be paid to the company. The right hon. baronet drew attention to the likelihood of gold being found in New Zealand, and said that in anticipation of such an event he had drawn up a clause, giving to the local legislatures the power of dealing with the revenues to be thereby derived, in accordance with the rule which the government had arrived at with respect to the Australian colonies, and the advices relative to which decision he had forwarded to Australia by Thursday's mail.-The house then went into committee. The clauses up to 74 were agreed to, after which the house resumed.

On Monday, June 7th, Mr. BERNAL took occasion to advert to the Calamitous Condition of the Island of Jamaica, through the deficiency of labourers; and to inquire of the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he was prepared to initiate, or promote, or confirm any effort for affording Jamaica, and other colonies in the same category, a proper supply of labour?-Sir J. PAKINGTON said, that the question having been put to him unexpectedly, he could return only a general answer. This subject had engaged his attention long before he had entered into office, and since then he had received from delegates and from other sources painful representations of the distressed condition of the island On that day the house resumed its sittings. A dis- of Jamaica, and of the particular causes of that distress. cussion took place on the subject of the State of Public The cholera, being a visitation of Providence, did not Business, in the course of which Sir James GRAHAM touch the legislation or policy of this country; but, accused the government of having brought forward a irrespective of that visitation, he had always thought number of measures which were not of imme- that the distress of the colonies must be traced in a large diate urgency, and which could not receive proper degree to the policy adopted by this country in 1846. deliberation in the course of the present session. After Upon a careful consideration of the subject, however, enumerating these bills, he concluded by saying that, if her Majesty's government did not think themselves care were not taken, such proceedings would bring re-justified, under the circumstances, and in their present presentative government into disrepute. After some position, in making the case of Jamaica, painful as it observations from different members, the CHANCELLOR was, an exception to the general rule they had laid of the EXCHEQUER said that on Monday he would state down. The duties of the Colonial office had been overwhat were the intentions of the government with respect whelming, but three or four days ago he had communito the public business. The house then went into cated with one of the senior clerks of the West India committee of supply upon the Civil Service Estimates. department of that office, and had desired him, as soon Certain votes were agreed to, after much discussion, in as the pressure of business relaxed, to prepare all the the course of which a conversation of some interest necessary papers, in order that he (Sir John) might occurred on the vote for the combined system of National direct his attention as speedily as possible to two imEducation in Ireland.-Mr. WALPOLE having disavowed portant points,-the supply of labour, and the present any intention on the part of the government to super-state of the labour laws in the colonies.-The report of sede the system, Sir J. GRAHAM pressed him to say not merely what was not, but what was, their intention.Mr. WALPOLE replied that he thought it was worthy of consideration whether some portion of the grant might not be applied to those who from conscientious motives objected to the present mode of distribution.

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time; while the Suitors in Chancery Relief Bill and the He then entered upon a humorous criticism of the Law of Wills Amendment Bill had passed that house. measure-a trumpery abortion, as he termed it-which Her Majesty's government, therefore, were not arrogant, he said would raise not an efficient military force, but he thought, in supposing that these five bills for legal an irregular horde. He hoped the house would rereform would pass into law without interfering with the ject a bill which would be of no use to the country, termination of parliament. Then came the colonial and which had been concocted in the hurried scramble bills, of which the New Zealand Bill had nearly got of a party for office. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said, through committee; the Hereditary Casual Revenues the highest military authorities, including the Comin the Colonies Bill, of only two clauses, the govern- mander-in-Chief and the Master-General of the Ordment hoped they would be as successful in passing, as nance, agreed that it was essentially necessary, at the well as the Bishopric of Quebec Bill, and the Colonial present time, to add to our national defences; and by Bishops Bill, both of which were of small dimensions, and both sides of the house it had been admitted that this had passed the other house. Then there were three bills was to be done, not by increasing our standing army, in the department of the Board of Works-namely, the but by raising a militia force.-Mr. PETO objected to Intramural Interments Bill, the Metropolitan Water the bill that, while an inefficient measure, it would Bill, and the Metropolitan Buildings Bill. The two interrupt industry. Upon a division, the third reading former he did not despair of passing without unduly was carried by 220 against 148.-Mr. THORNELY prolonging the session. With respect to the last, he moved to add a proviso at the end of clause 18, exempting was prepared to move that the order for the second members of the senate of the university of London, reading of that bill be discharged. Sir James had examiners, professors, tutors, lecturers, and students further called the attention of the house to the state of of that university, or of any college, school, or instituthe supply, remarking that 200 votes had to be passed. tion connected therewith; and resident members of the Of these votes, however, there now remained only nine- university of Durham.-Mr. WALPOLE consented, and teen. Of the other miscellaneous bills noticed by Sir proposed to add St. David's college, Lampeter.-The James, the Navy Pay Bill was not opposed; the Patent proviso was added to the bill.-Mr. W. WILLIAMS Law Amendment Bill had already passed the lords, moved the omission of the 16th clause.-Mr. WALPOLE and had been referred in this house to a committee. Of resisted the motion, which, upon a division, was Irish bills, the Valuation of Lands Bill he heard from negatived by 187 against 142.-Sir De Lacy EVANS all sides was a very good bill, and he was not prepared moved a clause after the 34th, retaining the provisions to give that up; but the Whiteboy Acts Amendment Bill of the 44th George III., chap. 54, applying to the he did not wish to press. There were certain con- enrolment of corps of yeomanry and volunteers; tinuance bills, among which was the Crime and Outrage which was agreed to.-A proviso to the 35th clause, Act, which it was the opinion of the government should also moved by Sir De Lacy, the purport of which be renewed. He had now gone through, he said, the was to limit the ballot to a time of war, was negatived colossal catalogue of the right hon. baronet, and he upon a division by 178 against S2. The bill then asked the house whether the state of business before it passed. was so unsatisfactory as had been painted on Thursday night? He drew a different conclusion from that of Sir J. Graham, and deduced an opposite moral; believing that the state of the public business-which was due to the good sense and good temper of the house of commons-afforded rather an argument in favour of representative government, at least of the mode in which it was conducted in this country.

On the order for the third reading of the Militia Bill, Mr. RICH, in moving by way of amendment that it be deferred for six months, reiterated at much length his objections to the measure, strongly urging the expediency of deferring it for the calmer consideration of a new parliament. He hoped that no member would vote under the delusion that it was better to do something, no matter what. A wrong might be done which would prevent the doing right hereafter. Let the legislature, therefore, take time for deliberation, and postpone the measure for another year.-Mr. MACKINNON seconded this motion.-Lord H. VANE should vote for the third reading of the bill, in the absence of any alternative proposition, and with the intention of supporting the motion to be made for expunging the compulsory clauses. -Mr. MACGREGOR supported the amendment, in order to afford time for maturing a better plan.-Mr. HEADLAM and Mr. EWART opposed the measure.-Sir H. VERNEY Supported the bill, though not exactly what he lesired, advocating at the same time other measures f military defence, including a small addition to the gular army, especially of rifle corps.-Mr. OSBORNE id the objections he entertained to this bill were not unded upon the principles of the peace party. These nciples, however, were not novel; they were as old Plato. But there was a material distinction between nies for conquest and for home protection. Even Utopians were allowed to fight in self-defence. Lookat the state of the continent of Europe, he thought were right to review our means of defence. The ernment were, however, bound to show the condition our national defences, and the manner in which large sums of money voted had been expended. r stating certain details of our military expenditure, comparing them with the expenditure for the French y, Mr. Osborne argued that there must be something ng; that the money voted could not have been laid to the best advantage, and that the house should the bill until this matter had been investigated.

Sir W.

On Tuesday, June 8, at the morning sitting, the adjourned debate on Maynooth College was resumed by Mr. FRESHFIELD, who remarked that the motion for inquiry had not been opposed upon any general ground; had it been to repeal the act of 1845, he could understand why it should be resisted, but all that was asked was an inquiry whether certain allegations as to the teaching at Maynooth were true, or rather, whether there should be an inquiry which, according to Mr. Serjeant Murphy, would only redound to the credit of the college. The conscientious doubts of the people of England, as to whether the objects of the institution were fairly carried out and the grant was properly applied, ought to be set at rest. The course of those who advocated the motion was not aggressive, but defensive.-Mr. H. HERBERT, in opposing the motion of Mr. Spooner, proposed to test his sincerity by inviting him to adopt, instead of that motion, an amendment which he (Mr. Herbert) had put upon the notice paper, but which he was precluded from moving, to intrust the inquiry to the visitors of the college with such additional visitation as the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland might deem necessary—a tribunal constituted by parliament and extremely well adapted for the purpose. VERNER, in support of the original motion, argued that it was casting no imputation upon the College of Maynooth to affirm that the government should have the supervision of such an institution, endowed by the state. It was established for the education of young men as clergymen in the church of Rome; and was it not fit that the country should know the description of instruc tion they received, and to what section of the Roman Catholic church Maynooth professed to belong? It had been stated that it was of the ultramontane school, in which the authority of the Pope was exalted far above the Sovereign's, and that the most rancorous intolerance was taught there. Sir William read statements in respect to denunciations from the altar, followed often by an attack upon the individual denounced; the agitating propensities of the Maynooth priests, and the doctrines inculcated at the college; in the course of reading which he was interrupted somewhat roughly by Captain Magan. Mr. V. SCULLY adopted Mr. Herbert's objection, that an inquiry, if really desired, could be had instanter by the existing visitors. But the mover and seconder of the motion, he contended, were not sincere in their demand for an inquiry; their avowed

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object was to get rid of the college altogether. He had no objection to a bona fide inquiry, but he did object to one that was unfair and insulting. If the motion was not a mere sham, if an honest inquiry was really sought, let it be either by a royal commission, or by the visitors, persons of distinguished rank and character, who had an inherent power under the act to examine upon oath all persons, and into all matters. With respect to the grant itself--this miserable and wretched grant, as Mr. Scully termed it—he maintained that the people of Ireland were entitled to it, not only upon the ground of compact, but upon the stronger grounds of policy and justice. To establish this part of his argument, Mr. Scully produced a long array of historical authorities, which, with a very comprehensive survey of the character and effects of the penal laws, and an examination of the history of the Maynooth college from its first endowment in 1795, occupied the time until four o'clock, when, though his speech was still unfinished, by a recent rule of the house, the sitting terminated.

At the evening sitting, Mr. HORSMAN, in moving for a select committee to inquire into the circumstances connected with the the Institution of the Rev. Mr. Bennett to the Vicarage of Frome, referred to what had occurred at a previous debate upon this subject, which, he contended, showed clearly and distinctly that his motion was understood to be directed, not against Mr. Bennett, but against the Bishop of Bath and Wells. The result of the bona fide inquiry promised by the Chancellor of the Exchequer was that it was doubtful whether, under the Clergy Discipline Act, Mr. Bennett could be made amenable; but in regard to the Bishop of Bath and Wells, it was acknowledged that there was no redress whatever at law against him for instituting Mr. Bennett. After giving some further details in vindication and corroboration of the statements he had made as to the proceedings of Mr. Bennett at Kissingen, and his alleged Romanist tendencies, Mr. Horsman addressed himself to the conduct of the Bishop of Bath and Wells, in comparison with whose acts, he said, those of Mr. Bennett were perfectly insignificant. What he had already charged against the bishop fell short of the truth. He had instituted Mr. Bennett in a manner and with a haste which showed a determination to shut out the parishioners of Frome from the legal redress which they would have had if more time had been allowed; he had done it without the certificate from Mr. Bennett's former diocesan, which by law he was under an obligation to require, and without that due examination of the presentee which was enjoined by law, and which the parishioners had a right to demand. All this was done, he averred, not accidentally or carelessly, but advisedly, and in order to defeat the ends of justice. In support of these charges, Mr. Horsman entered into a minute exposition of the proceedings in connection with the institution of Mr. Bennett, in the course of which he read a letter from the Bishop of London, appended to the certificate, in favour of Mr. Bennett, of three beneficed clergymen in his diocese, which acquitted this right reverend prelate, he observed, of being a party in misleading or deceiving the Bishop of Bath and Wells. Ascertaining from the judicial opinion of Lord Ellenborough the legal import of the words "due examination," Mr. Horsman insisted that the avowed and published sentiments of Mr. Benneti imposed upon the diocesan, before instituting him, the obligation of requiring an explanation-some of those sentiments touching the supremacy of the crown in spiritual matters, and that such explanation should have been made public. Instead, however, of demeaning himself as an impartial judge, the Bishop of Bath and Wells, he alleged, had sunk the dignity of that office in the littleness of the partisan. The question then was, what is to be done? It had been admitted by the government that the importance of the subject could not be exaggerated; and no other mode of inquiry being available, he was driven, after long delay, to propose a parliamentary committee. There was no duty of parliament more obvious than, when it had established a church for the teaching of one religion, to take care that it should not be made subservient to the doctrines of another. The responsibility of this question, there

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fore, now rested upon parliament alone. - Mr.
GLADSTONE, regarding this as mainly a legal question,
objected to the tone and spirit of Mr. Horsman's speech.
Having taken upon himself the character of a public
accuser, he was bound to be accurate in the language he
used. The wounds of the Church of England were not
likely to be healed by rhetorical declamations and mis-
statements. The first question to be considered was, is
the country to be governed, in ecclesiastical and civil
matters, by the private opinions of particular men,
according to the popularity of the moment; or by a
system of fixed law? If the last, had the law been
obeyed? He admitted that it was a great absurdity
that there was no provision for the correction of delin-
quent bishops: but he asserted that the Bishop of Bath
and Wells was not a delinquent, that there was not even
a presumption of delinquency against him. Mr.
Gladstone laid much stress upon the sentiments ex-
pressed by the parishioners of Frome in favour of Mr.
Bennett, the rational inference from which fact, he
thought, was, that he had become steady in his allegi-
ance to the church of England. He briefly noticed the
proceedings of Mr. Bennett at Kissingen, which, he
contended, were not within the proper cognisance of the
Bishop of Bath and Wells, and then examined the three
charges preferred by Mr. Horsman against that right
reverend prelate, every one of which, he asserted, was
without foundation. A bishop was not at liberty to
refuse institution to a presentee but upon strict legal,
proof of heretical doctrine, immoral conduct, or defect
of learning; he was liable to be called into the Court of
Queen's Bench by a writ of Quare impedit, and if he failed
in proving a ground of refusal he suffered in costs.
In the case of Mr. Bennett no legal ground had been
laid before the Bishop of Bath and Wells which would
have justified him in refusing or delaying the insti
tution of that gentleman. With respect to the second
charge-the want of a certificate from the Bishop of
London-he answered that the Bishop of Bath and
Wells had received from Mr. Bennett a testimonial the
refusal of which would have exposed him to proceed-
ings at law; the explanatory note of the Bishop of
London only imposed upon the Bishop of Bath and
Wells the duty of ascertaining for himself the doctrines
entertained by Mr. Bennett. The third charge was
founded, he observed, upon a hideous doctrine of judi-
cial duties, namely, that the "due examinations
to be of such a nature as to satisfy not the bishop, a
great public officer, acting judicially, but others upon
whom no responsibility was cast. The Bishop of Bath
and Wells did examine Mr. Bennett in all those
matters which were points of difference between the
church of England and that of Rome, and he had been
satisfied. Mr. Gladstone investigated certain opinions
imputed to Mr. Bennett, which, he argued, contained
no theological or legal offence that could justify the
If they did, why
bishop in staying the institution.
was Mr. Bennett not proceeded against in the ecclesi-
As to the motion he objected to its
astical court ?
terms, which implied censure; and he thought if there
was to be an inquiry, it ought to be into the state,
spirit, and enactments of the law, which seemed framed
to discourage bishops from doing what the Bishop of
Bath and Wells was accused of omitting to do.-Sin
John PAKINGTON seemed to think the allegation
about Mr. Bennett seriously backed by evidence; bu
he doubted the fitness and propriety of the house
commons as a tribunal for such an inquiry. He e
pressed his astonishment at Mr. Gladstone's justifi
tion of Mr. Bennett's abstinence from orthodox churc
going, at Kissingen, when the whole family to whi
he was chaplain was only Sir John Harrington,
churchwarden of St Paul's, Knightsbridge, who
tinguished himself more by zeal than discretion in
Bennett's case with the Bishop of London."-Sir Pa
Wood did not dispute the power of the house to m
the inquiry; but he urged on members that it beho
them, as the great inquest of the nation, to act wi
judicial mind. He argued that the bishop could no
this case, consistently with his duty, have done anyth
else than what he did. The charge of indecent h
he disposed of by information as to the legal forma
of procedure. The Kissingen facts he assured

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government on the subject. He had communicated with the head of the government and with the highest authorities of the church, and had now to state that the government were willing to undertake, and would undertake the consideration of the subject, with reference to capitular bodies and cathedral institutions, so as to make them more extensively and practically useful than they are at present-so as to extend the spiritual instruction and education which might advantageously be afforded by those bodies. There were four essential points of detail in the bill. First, the abolition of deaneries, and the consolidation of the office of dean with the office of bishop; secondly, the further reduction of the number of canonries; thirdly, by means to be acquired through these alterations, to add to the episcopate of the country; fourthly, to make provision for the better management of episcopal and capitular revenues. For the abolition of the deans he saw no reason; he doubted whether, with a view to keeping up cathedral institutions in sufficient force, the number of canonries could be reduced further; the increase of the episcopate he thought very desirable, if a fund for the purpose can be found. It should be an object to relieve these high officers of the church, as far as possible, from the cares and troubles of all worldly and temporal affairs, but at the same time to preserve the property in such connection with them as not to leave them mere dependents and stipendiaries of the state.-Sir Robert INGLIS corrected the opposition as to an impression they might have been under with respect to the sentiment they had just cheered: Mr. Walpole did not mean to separate the house of lords. [Mr. Walpole signified assent.]In the course of the discussion on the ministerial statement, Mr. Sydney HERBERT said that in church reform his own opinions probably went beyond those of any around him. He was not one who thought a very large addition to the episcopate necessary: one of the causes of the desire for an augmentation is that the bishops are in a situation they ought not to be in, that of land-agents for the ecclesiastical commissioners. The recent establishment of St. Aidan's college at Birkenhead showed that institutions with the duties which the chapters were appointed to perform are a requirement of the present age.-The Marquis of BLANDFORD accepted willingly the undertaking of the government, both because that course met the sense of the house, and from his personal inclination. The order for a second reading was discharged.

house that the bishop was not competent to inquire into because they would not have been a competent legal justification to any steps he founded on them. The quotations from Mr. Bennett's books would not have made a good legal defence to a Quare impedit nor would the Bishop of London's letter: if Mr. Bennett had answered that he was at the time of examination an attached and sincere member of the church of England, and had explained away the doctrines complained of, the bishop had no alternative but to institute him, But, though glad thus to be delivered from the consideration of Mr. Bennett's case, he had in fact formed his opinion of it. He admitted that it was a considerable grievance, that in the case of a clergyman lying under such suspicion as Mr. Bennett did, from the things which were said to have occurred abroad, and from admitted passages in his books, which had not been cited in this debate, he admitted that it was a grave thing that, under the existing state of the law, there was no power on the part of a bishop to refuse to institute such a person; and he confessed he looked to a reform of the law in that respect both in principle and practice; for the present house of commons having shown itself so anxious about the reform of the Court of Chancery, he felt certain that the next house of commons would not allow the ecclesiastical courts to pass unscathed. The present debate might tend to promote that result; and if so, it would be a useful result, and perhaps the only useful result it would have.-Colonel BOYLE addressed the house for certain of the parishigners in Frome, in favour of the motion. Colonel YORKE followed him followed him on the other side, on behalf the church from the state, nor to remove bishops from of the parishioners who support Mr. Bennett.The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER then endeavoured to dissuade the house from adopting the motion. He took the general disposition of the house to be one of extreme reluctance by any vote to throw a censure on the conduct of the Bishop of Bath and Wells; for they had seen that had the bishop thrown any difficulties in the way of Mr. Bennett's institution, he might, and very probably would, have incurred very perilous consequences. At the same time, Mr. Disraeli took the liberty to say, that if the law did not provide a remedy, a fact, however, which he still doubted,-then it would be the duty of the house to endeavour to supply one; and if there were not-which in his mind there certainly was not-sufficient facility, or sufficient opportunity, for parishioners to obtain relief and redress, that was a fit subject for their inquiry and legislation. But the committee asked for would not have the function, On the order, moved by Lord R. Grosvenor, for going or, at this time of the session, the opportunity, to make into committee upon the County Elections Polls Bill, the necessary inquiry with satisfactory effect. Avowing Mr. PACKE moved that it be deferred for six months. in general terms that the state of our ecclesiastical He had heard, he said, but two reasons for one day's courts cannot be much longer continued, and that the county poll: first, that bribery was promoted by a government is prepared sooner or later to act on that second day's poll, which he believed was not the case; entiment, he expressed his hope that Mr. Horsman second, that the second day increased the expense of ould not ask the house to divide on his motion.-The candidates. This he admitted; but the convenience of LICITOR-GENERAL hoped that those who had devoted candidates, he thought, was not to be purchased by eir attention to the measures for the improvement of curtailing the franchise of the constituency. In close he proceedings in our courts of common law and equity county contests, one day would not suffice for the ould extend the benefits of their inquiry to the eccle- polling.-Mr. ALCOCK supported the bill.-Mr. WALstical courts of this country.—Mr. WALPOLE stated POLE considered that this question rather concerned t at the end of Mr. Horsman's speech the members county members than the government; at the same the government examined attentively the terms of time, he was not prepared individually to offer any motion to see if it would bear the construction of opposition to the committal of the bill.-The motion for ng suggestive of an inquiry into the law, to which going into committee was supported by Mr. B. Denison, y were not averse; but after the speech which Mr. W. Brown, and Mr. L. King, and opposed by Mr. roduced it, they could only regard it as directed Henley, Mr. Fellowes, Mr. Deedes, and Colonel Sibthorp. inst the bishop.-On this Mr. GOULBURN moved an-The ATTORNEY-GENERAL did not think there was a endment, to make the inquiry of the committee pressing necessity for the measure at this moment. He mply "into the state of the law respecting the ap- thought the limitation of the polling to a single day intment to benefices."-Mr. HORSMAN opposed this very desirable, and would not oppose the motion if a endment: it was (he said) like proposing to inquire proper machinery could be provided for the alteration o the criminal law on a trial for murder.-The house in time for the next election; but apprehending convided on a question involving the point whether or not siderable inconvenience from adopting the proposal at original motion should be altered. The numbers the approaching election, he should oppose it.-Mr. re 156 to 111 against altering the original proposition; COBDEN observed that the principle of the bill being ority of Mr. Horsman against ministers, 45. The admitted, the objections were for the committee.-The inal motion for a select committee was then put sub- original motion was opposed by Sir B. Bridges, and suptively, and agreed to. ported by Mr. Bouverie, Mr. W. Miles, and Mr. Oswald. Upon a division, it was carried by 166 against 82. The house then went into committee on the bill, but the proceedings were interrupted by the Disorderly Conduct

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n Wednesday, June 9 the Marquis of BLANDFORD ed the second reading of the Episcopal and Capitular enues Bill.-Mr. WALPOLE stated the intentions of

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