your Embassies, then sink your Navy.* Disposing of the “moral” means of the Admiralty and Horse Guards, the Foreign Office will put down this Empire, unless it be itself put down.

* A sailor on board Admiral Duckworth's squadron, being asked what sort of vessels the Russians had, answered, “ Russia wants no nary: she has ambassadors !"

N.B. I would direct attention to the Chapter on the "Evacuation of the Principalities," p. 363, where the present circumstances are not only foreshadowed, but expressly stated. That Chapter is the résumé of a Memoir drawn up at the end of 1850, showing that, with a concurrent Turkish force occupying the Principalities, Russia could make no impression on Turkey.

THE WEST.

PART I.-SPAIN.

PART II-HUNGARY.

"No man is by nature either an aristocrat or a democrat: their disputes relate not, then, to system of government, but to their own advantage."-LYCURGUS.

These pages were waitoon in Spain in 1846, and were to Lave been published all the title of "Account of Spain with Europe, in INVASIONS, INTERVENTIONS, MEDIATIONS, and MARRIAGES,” as a warning against the danger of two Lable Princesses. The manuscript somehow discppeared on its way to Madrid. A copy, however, having been taken by the precaution of a friend, and recently discovered, I have thought it might be of use for the "Europeans" themselves.

PART I.

SPAIN.

CHAPTER I.

How circumstanced for the Development
of Opinion.

THIS age is distinguished by extent of knowledge and contrariety of judgments,-a misfortune no less than a con-tradiction, and which arises out of the habit of attaching importance to News. Things which, if announced beforehand, would be held too improper to be possible, are, when done, taken as the data on which maxims are to be formed for our future guidance. Our morals as nations are what the morals of individuals would be who took for their standard facts, that is, the cases brought for trial before the courts of law. Thus it is that knowledge is divorced from wisdom, and that we have much speech and little profit.

Unless a man knows what, in a given case, ought to be done, he can never know what has been done; information can be of service only to them who can class it, be it science, be it conduct. In the latter case, the difficulty of classing does not arise from ignorance. The task is here to unlearn;

the life of the spirit is on the lip; whoever chooses may stop on it the garrulity of his fellows, and this is all that is required to recover from the decrepitude of his times.

The order of societies does not depend upon the equality of size and strength of its members, but on the submission of their differences to that process of investigation which distinguishes men from animals. The rights of states are equally independent of numbers and dimensions, and consist in the human character of reason belonging to all the individuals composing them. That differences be brought to adjudication, not only by the authorities of the nation, but by each separate man, is the purpose of international law. In this consists the equality of states, in this the freedom and virtue of each member of a community, and indeed his quality as a reasoning being.

Individuals may, and generally do, profit by the wrong they do; not so communities, and therefore is a public crime by nature wholly different from a petty one. It thus interests no less the powerful than the weak to guard that public rule of right on which depends alike internal freedom and general peace. And in truth this is the excellent, the abiding part of all governments and of all systems: it is the health common to all, without the variety of the infirmities of each; it is the "law of nations," because respected equally by all. It emanates from no human authority, because it is the source of all laws, and is enforced in every judgment rendered, for a village or for an empire. No` compact violating it can bind; against it no prescription hold. It requires no interpreter; it brings its own penalties when infringed, and its recompenses when obeyed; it has not to be taught-it is already known; it may for a season be obscured, but each man can himself find it again.

This rule is no less simple than authoritative, and consists in these two commandments: "THOU SHALT NOT STEAL," "THOU SHALT DO NO MURDER." There is no possible injury that a state can inflict, or suffer, not provided for by these two laws.

It is not less in the conscience of all beliefs, than in the

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